Evo Morales at the Crossroads: Problematizing the Relationship between the State and Indigenous Movements in Bolivia

S / RESÚMENES Evo Morales at the Crossroads: Problematizing the Relationship between the State and Indigenous Movements in Bolivia Lorenza Belinda Fontana The conflict around the construction of a road that would cut across the Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS), exploded in August 2011 and still unsolved, can be considered a turning point in the relationship between the Bolivian government and social movements, and among social movements themselves. This paper provides some insights to understand the recent shift in Bolivian political and social equilibria. After a period of alliances and mutual support in the face of threats from external enemies – in particular, neoliberalism and oligarchic powers – social movements have recently entered into a moment of fragmentation and contention over access to the same physical, symbolic and power spaces. Both recent normative and constitutional reforms as well as new reshaping of social configurations and political power contributed to this conflictive scenario, which finds one of its main and most symbolic expressions in the conflicts for land and territory such as the TIPNIS dispute. El conflicto en torno a la construcción de una carretera que atravesaría el Territorio Indígena del Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS), desatado en agosto de 2011, ha marcado un momento de ruptura en las relaciones entre el gobierno boliviano y los movimientos sociales, y entre las propias organizaciones. En este artículo se proporcionan algunos elementos de análisis que permitan comprender el reciente cambio en los equilibrios políticos y sociales en Bolivia. Después de un período de alianzas y el apoyo mutuo ante las amenazas de los enemigos externos – en particular, el neoliberalismo y los poderes oligárquicos – los movimientos sociales han entrado recientemente en un momento de fragmentación y disputa sobre el acceso a los mismos espacios físicos, simbólicos y de potencia. Las reformas normativas y constitucionales, así como la nueva remodelación de configuraciones sociales y el poder político han contribuido a este escenario conflictivo, que encuentra una de sus principales y más simbólicas expresiones en los conflictos por la tierra y el territorio, como el conflicto del TIPNIS. 14 Abstracts/Resúmenes Plurinationality and Interculturality in Ecuador: Indigenous Movement and the Development of Political Concepts

The conflict around the construction of a road that would cut across the Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS), exploded in August 2011 and still unsolved, can be considered a turning point in the relationship between the Bolivian government and social movements, and among social movements themselves.This paper provides some insights to understand the recent shift in Bolivian political and social equilibria.After a period of alliances and mutual support in the face of threats from external enemies -in particular, neoliberalism and oligarchic powers -social movements have recently entered into a moment of fragmentation and contention over access to the same physical, symbolic and power spaces.Both recent normative and constitutional reforms as well as new reshaping of social configurations and political power contributed to this conflictive scenario, which finds one of its main and most symbolic expressions in the conflicts for land and territory such as the TIPNIS dispute.

Philipp Altmann
The fight of indigenous movement organizations in the Republic of Ecuador (Ecuador) since the 1980s has not only been for equal economic, political or cultural rights, but also for reconstruction of the Ecuadorean society and the State.This reconstruction is formed alongside quite specific concepts, such as Interculturality and Plurinationality.Even if these concepts have been adopted in the Constitution of 2008, from the perspective of the Indigenous movement, they are yet to be implemented.This article is an analysis of the development of both Indigenous movement and their concepts with a focus on the interrelation between the different organizations and Interculturality and Plurinationality.

Silvia Ordóñez Ganoza
In June 2009, the Indigenous Peoples (IPs) of the Peruvian Amazonia mobilized to get the fully-fledged recognition of their rights to land ownership and possession and to consultation, etc.In the clashes which followed between the police and the IPs the violence exploded taking a heavy toll of victims.After three years, despite the adoption by President Ollanta Humala of the Law on the "Prior Consultation to Indigenous or Native Peoples" in September 2011, in which the right to consultation is enshrined yet the conflict is still ongoing.
En junio del 2009 los Pueblos Indígenas de la Amazonía Peruana adoptaron diversas medidas para hacer respetar sus derechos, como el derecho a la propiedad y posesión de las tierras y el derecho a la consulta.En la confrontación que se generó entre fuerzas de seguridad del Estado e indígenas, la conflictividad acabó en violencia y se produjeron numerosas víctimas.Han transcurrido más de tres años de esta confrontación, asimismo se aprobaron la Ley del Derecho a la Consulta Previa a los Pueblos Indígenas y su Reglamento pero el conflicto In this frame, there is a need to identify and comprehend directly the opinion of the protagonists in order to grasp what is actually happening on the ground and the stark realities IPs are facing on a daily basis.Thus, a number of testimonies of the Awuajún IPs from the city of Huampami -Amazonian Region (Perú) are analyzed in this paper.The aim is to assess the relation between the Amazonian IPs and the Peruvian State, as well as the main features that may result from this relation.

Rita Cancino
Although the Mapuche people of Chile is numerically a small group, its historical and current struggles have the same content as that of other peoples of Latin America with larger population.For four centuries the Mapuche people never stopped fighting against the Spanish colonialism.Since 1830, the Chilean government has exerted inner colonization by expropriating their ancestral lands, ignoring their language, culture and identity forcing them into the Chilean identity.

Gerry Alons and Rita Giacalone
This article traces the effects of anti-Americanism on Brazilian trade policymaking during the negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) and French trade policymaking during the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).While much has been published on the conceptualisation of anti-Americanism, its causes, and its presence in different states, research into the effects of anti-Americanism on politics and policies is rather limited.This article adds to the debate by conducting a comparative study of the Brazilian and French cases and by reflecting on the effects of anti-Americanism on decision-making and policies under different circumstances.
En este artículo se explora los efectos del anti-americanismo en la política comercial de Brasil durante la negociación del Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas y en la política comercial francesa durante la Ronda Uruguay del GATT.Aunque mucho se ha escrito sobre la conceptualización del antiamericanismo, sus causas y su presencia en distintos estados nacionales, la investigación acerca de sus efectos sobre la política y las políticas públicas es escasa.Este artículo contribuye al debate al comparar dos estudios de caso y al reflexionar sobre los efectos del antiamericanismo en el proceso de toma de decisiones y en la política comercial bajo distintas circunstancias.

Marie Freckleton
Despite the importance of services exports to CARIFORUM countries there is limited research on the competitiveness of such exports.This article examines the revealed comparative advantage of services exports in CARIFORUM countries.The analysis shows that most CARIFORUM countries have revealed comparative advantage in tourism but there are also cases of revealed comparative advantage in other services including transport, insurance, business services and personal, cultural and recreational services.The results suggest that there is potential for CARIFORUM to diversify exports of services in order to promote economic growth and reduce vulnerability.However, the extent to A pesar de la importancia de las exportaciones de servicios a los países del CARIFORUM no hay muchos estudios sobre de la competitividad de las exportaciones.Este artículo examina la ventaja comparativa revelada de las exportaciones de servicios de los países del CARIFORUM.El análisis muestra que la mayoría de los países del CARI-FORUM han puesto de manifiesto las ventajas comparativas en el turismo, pero también hay casos de ventaja comparativa revelada en otros servicios como transporte, seguros y servicios empresariales, servicios personales, culturales y recreativos.Los resultados sugieren que existe un potencial de CA-RIFORUM para diversificar las expor-which CARIFORUM countries can take advantage of existing market access opportunities for services depends on their ability to improve the capacity to supply services and to promote the competitiveness of services.
taciones de servicios con el fin de promover el crecimiento económico y reducir la vulnerabilidad.Sin embargo, en la medida en que los países del CARI-FORUM pueden tomar ventaja de las oportunidades existentes de acceso al Mercado de los servicios depende de su capacidad de mejorar la capacidad de oferta de servicios y promover la competitividad de los servicios.A 'Tutecotzimí,' aunque no se considera, por lo general, una obra canónica de Darío, se le ha otorgado gran importancia en Centroamérica por su llamado a soluciones autóctonas para preocupaciones locales.Se distancia de los temas eurocéntricos de su verso derivado del parnasianismo y el simbolismo.De algunas maneras, es un brinco atrás hacia el temprano romanticismo británico en cuanto a sus epifanías introspectivas.El dominio de Darío en términos de la historia centroamericana precolombina es algo embrollado, sin embargo.Sin embargo la obra progresa desde el tiempo circular al lineal a través de un Kehre, el que busca alegóricamente la integración de Centro-américa a la modernidad, en la que Tutecotzimí representa las fuerzas de la paz y el gobierno responsable triunfando sobre la sangrienta dictadura imperial de Cuaucmichin.A la vez cumple la noción románticista, o más bien romanticista de que todas las grandes naciones se conciben en la épica.