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In the international equation of the 21st century, Africa is no longer merely a geography of crises and poverty, but also a strategic arena where rising powers are building global presence, forging new partnerships, and asserting geopolitical claims. Türkiye is also playing a role in this game, pursuing a balancing, multidimensional, and unique path that surprises even the most seasoned actors. Going beyond traditional foreign policy patterns and single-sided alliances, Türkiye is working to develop multifaceted partnerships, playing an active role in the development of West Africa while striving to enhance mutual cultural relations. 

In addition to all this, Türkiye has begun to deepen its cooperation by becoming involved in the security architecture in recent years, aiming to deepen its integration with the region by harmoniously using soft and hard power elements. Behind Türkiye’s orientation, there are neither purely economic interests nor a quest for power. By deepening South-South cooperation, Türkiye seeks to become a more autonomous and effective actor. Türkiye views Africa, and more specifically West Africa, not as a region where it can achieve its own goals, but as a long-term strategic area where it can build a common future.

From diplomatic silence to geopolitical activism: A paradigm shift in Türkiye’s approach to Africa

Until the end of the 20th century, Türkiye maintained relatively low-profile relations with the African continent, even remaining largely uninterested in Africa and its problems. Türkiye’s silence was a result of the foreign policy orientation it had adopted. Due to both domestic political developments and national security threats, Türkiye adopted westernism and status quo principles in its foreign policy until the end of the Cold War, pursuing a security-oriented and inward-looking policy during this period. Westernism in Turkish foreign policy is a political orientation that embraces Western values and seeks to be part of a Western-centred international structure. 

The principle of status quo means a foreign policy strategy that aims to maintain regional, ideological, or power structures and is conservative and defensive in nature. These two main pillars have limited Türkiye’s room for manoeuvre in foreign policy and made it impossible to seek new horizons. This approach has even led Türkiye to clash with countries that are part of the non-aligned movement, creating a negative profile that continued for many years. 

With the end of the Cold War, Türkiye’s foreign policy has moved away from security-focused paradigms based on rigid alliance systems toward a more proactive, multidimensional approach that seeks regional leadership. This new orientation stems both from the opportunities offered by the unipolar order in the international system and from Türkiye’s need for identity repositioning. By 1998, Türkiye had announced its “African Initiative Policy” with the aim of deepening its multidimensional foreign policy and increasing its visibility on a global scale. This plan was the first official framework intended to transform Türkiye’s limited relations with the African continent into a systematic and multidimensional platform. However, due to successive economic and political crises, the plan was shelved. 

A new chapter in Turkish political life began with the AK Party’s rise and 2005 was declared the “Year of Africa” thanks to which Türkiye’s relations with Africa began to evolve beyond quantitative transformation toward qualitative deepening. From a realist perspective, Türkiye’s efforts to gain visibility in Africa are an extension of its strategy to expand its sphere of influence as a regional power in a multipolar system. From a constructivist perspective, however, the US invasion of Iraq led to increased distrust of the West both in Türkiye and in the international community, and, at the time, Türkiye presented itself as an alternative actor with the identity of “reliable Muslim partner”. 

The relations that began in 2005 rapidly deepened, and in the same year, Türkiye obtained observer status within the African Union (AU). In 2008, Türkiye was declared a strategic partner of the AU, and the Türkiye-Africa Business and Economic Forums (TABEF) began to be held. This improvement in relations soon began to bear fruit and in 2010, Türkiye announced its Africa Strategy. In 2013, a new era began in Türkiye – Africa relations, with the “Africa Initiative Policy” being replaced by the “Africa Partnership Policy”. Since then, Türkiye’s Africa policy has been institutionalized through bilateral and multilateral mechanisms and has continued to progress within the framework of both South-South cooperation and normative multilateralism.

The policy of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs toward Africa is based on the principle of mutual benefit, drawing on Türkiye’s historical experience, social, political, and cultural heritage, as well as its capabilities and resources, within the framework of “African solutions to African problems”. Built on a historical foundation, Türkiye’s Africa policy is implemented in four dimensions: bilateral, regional, continental, and global, encompassing political, humanitarian, economic, and cultural aspects.

By developing close political relations with African countries through high-level bilateral visits and protecting the legitimate rights of African states in multilateral negotiations; investing in Africa while developing solutions to the continent’s economic problems and bringing mutual foreign trade to a more equitable and sustainable level; adopting a constructive approach to conflicts on the continent and engaging in diplomatic initiatives to promote peaceful solutions; contributing to peacekeeping operations on the continent.

In line with this strategy, Türkiye increased the number of its embassies from 12 in 2002 to 44 in 2025, and increased its trade volume nearly sevenfold, from US$5.4 billion in 2003 to US$35 billion in 2025. In the short term, this volume is expected to reach US$50 billion. Turkish entrepreneurs have made more than US$85 billion in infrastructure investments in the region, and more than 15,000 African students have completed their undergraduate and graduate education in Türkiye with Turkish scholarships. In this sense, Türkiye’s Africa policy has not been shaped solely by realist or neoliberal considerations; instead, it has consistently emphasized the social and humanitarian dimensions of bilateral and multilateral relations in line with a partnership-based approach. 

Türkiye seeks to deepen and expand its relations with Africa by effectively combining soft and hard power elements. West Africa occupies a unique place in Türkiye’s Africa policy. Thanks to Türkiye’s identity, the French colonial past of West Africa and the Muslim population in the region, the discourse of mutual respect and interest-based relations has found more acceptance here than in other parts of Africa. In 2005, when Türkiye launched its “Africa Initiative” policy, it first applied to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and obtained observer status. This is significant in terms of demonstrating the importance and decisive influence of West Africa in Türkiye’s Africa policy.

The rising security discourse: Türkiye’s multilayered security engagement in the Sahel Triangle

The rise of radical terrorism in West Africa has disrupted all equations in the region. In parallel, Türkiye’s approach, which focuses on soft power and emphasizes the humanitarian dimension of foreign policy, has undergone a transformation in line with regional and global paradigm shifts, evolving into a more layered strategic architecture that also incorporates hard power elements. West Africa is no longer just a “realm of the heart” to be approached with romantic ideals in Ankara’s foreign policy; it is also a geopolitical chessboard where security, the economy, the defence industry, and public diplomacy are intertwined. 

Türkiye’s quest for lasting partnerships in the region has taken on a more rigid character following the military coups in 2021, as evidenced by its stance, statements, and balancing approach. More explicitly, Western-centric academic circles have produced theses regarding the military coups and coup attempts in West Africa over the past five years, arguing that the coups were entirely organized by external powers and that the new theatre of proxy warfare between the West and Russia is now West Africa. When we deconstruct this postcolonial discourse that dominates academic circles, we find a deep-rooted belief that African states and peoples are incapable of acting of their own free will, whether for good or ill. In this sense, the analyses presented to understand West Africa today and imagine its future completely disregard the influence of the region’s states and peoples as independent actors, reducing all political and humanitarian dimensions, from terrorism and military coups to democratic struggles and economic development, to the context of the European Union (EU), the US, Russia, and China, thereby devaluing them. 

We argue that the paradigm shift in West Africa began with the desires of African peoples, avoiding any normative judgments. This does not mean that the presence and influence of global actors in the region should be denied. On the contrary, it is argued that the most significant factor contributing to the deepening of conflicts in the region, as well as the regional security-jam and economic instability, is precisely this presence and influence. However, the young and dynamic states of West Africa are now rejecting the idea that their territories should be seen as a playground. This challenge is spreading steadily, albeit in a more radical and vocal manner in some regions, such as the Alliance of Sahel States (ASS), and in a softer and quieter manner in others.

The paradigm shift created by these socio-political aspirations, crystallized in the rhetoric of seeking alternatives to the West, full independence, a multidimensional foreign policy, and the spread of prosperity to the grassroots, has necessitated the development of a new approach for Türkiye. While this transformation presents important strategic opportunities for Türkiye, it also poses entirely new challenges. The growing and diversifying security challenges have accelerated Türkiye’s presence, providing an ideal environment for Türkiye’s goal of strategic and lasting partnerships. 

However, although Türkiye’s current approach to the region and its foreign policy discourse sharply diverge from the Western line, the Western image it projects and its status as one of the most important pillars of the Western security architecture as a NATO member increase the expectations of Western African states with regards to Türkiye, and this in turn constitutes an important challenge for Türkiye. These opportunities and challenges have created a significant break in Türkiye’s traditional approach to the region, with the country increasingly making its hard power elements visible, particularly after the global pandemic. Türkiye has now transformed into a strategic actor that uses both soft and hard power elements together and intervenes with tools that are appropriate to the problems at hand. 

Türkiye’s security vision for West Africa, built using smart power, is a multidimensional strategy based on counterterrorism and security building rather than military expansion in the traditional sense. Within this framework, Türkiye has deepened its presence through bilateral and multilateral agreements and contributed to the training and technical support of the Malian army in the context of the counterterrorism effort. With the military, technical, and intelligence-sharing agreement signed between the two countries, the Malian government purchased six Bayraktar TB2 UAVs in January 2024. Türkiye, which has also developed its bilateral relations with Burkina Faso, has provided political and technical support to strengthen the country’s counterterrorism capabilities and contribute to regional stability. The Burkina Faso government has purchased Bayraktar TB2 and Akıncı UAVs. Due to the effective role played by the UAVs in the fight against terrorism, Burkina Faso’s President Ibrahim Traoré has conferred a state medal on Haluk Bayraktar, CEO of Baykar. 

Türkiye has also strengthened its bilateral relations with Niger to reinforce the region’s security architecture and has provided military training and assistance to help strengthen the Nigerien forces’ capacity to combat terrorism and maintain regional stability. The two countries have signed military cooperation agreements covering training programs, logistical support, and the provision of military equipment, and Niger has purchased six UAVs.

It is important to highlight a particular aspect of Türkiye’s bilateral relations in West Africa. Although Türkiye pursues an active foreign policy aimed at ensuring stability and security in the region, it also prioritizes its economic interests. This situation may create a mismatch between the priorities of the countries in the region and those of Türkiye. Indeed, ASS seeks to deepen security and military cooperation with Türkiye while pushing the economic and humanitarian dimensions to the background. At this point, the extent to which Türkiye can respond to ASS’s demands will determine the fate of the alliance’s relationship with Türkiye. 

France’s increasingly fading presence in West Africa and the distrust that the people of the region harbour toward Western actors are bringing Türkiye to the fore as a “Western alternative”. The responses Türkiye develops to the weight and strategies of the EU, Russia, and China in the region, along with its capacity, willingness, and the relationships it has cultivated to fill this void using both hard and soft power, will determine not only its relations with West Africa but also its relations with the entire continent.

Antalya Diplomacy Forum 2025: The changing security and development agenda in West Africa

The Antalya Diplomacy Forum (ADF), held in Antalya from 11 to 13 April 2025 under the theme “Reclaiming Diplomacy in a Fragmented World”, organized a panel titled “Sahel: From Security Risks to Lasting Stability”. The panel, which discussed security issues in the region and proposed solutions, was moderated by Türkiye. Regarding the withdrawal of ASS from ECOWAS, the leaders stated that this was not merely an organizational issue, but a result of the changes in West Africa, and that if ECOWAS failed to adapt to this paradigm shift in the new period, it would withdraw from the political scene as an obsolete organization. 

Burkina Faso’s Foreign Minister Karamoko Traoré stated that West Africa has been deliberately misanalysed thus far, adding that economic and political problems have arisen because West African states have never been allowed to determine their own policies. He also pointed out that, following France’s withdrawal from Burkina Faso, significant progress has been achieved in the areas of national security and the economy, thanks in part to Türkiye’s contributions. He added that it is vital for ASS to develop cooperation not only with other countries in West Africa, but also with other international actors, particularly Türkiye, Russia, and China. Due to the multidimensional and multilayered nature of the security crisis in West Africa, no country has the capacity to address security issues on its own. Therefore, it was stated, West Africa can only resolve these issues as a whole. 

Based on its principle of “African solutions to African problems”, Türkiye reserves a place for the African continent and its subregions at the Antalya Diplomacy Forum every year, creating a space for African leaders to come together and discuss their own issues. In this forum, where global actors also engage in active diplomacy, African leaders have the opportunity to share their problems and cooperation opportunities with the international community. The foreign ministers of the alliance countries took advantage of the 2025 ADF to explain the purpose of the confederation from a primary source. The leaders emphasized that the ASS is not merely a security alliance, but a confederative political union that focuses on society, the economy, and foreign policy, in line with the vision of sovereignty and Pan-Africanism. 

Türkiye’s creation of room for manoeuvre for West African leaders without pursuing any interests is a clear example of the solidarity between West Africa and Türkiye. If we summarize the speeches, attitudes and discussions of West African leaders during the panel and throughout the event in a single sentence, it is possible to say that West Africa now wants to decide its own development model, economic system, and local, regional and global political relations. West African countries no longer accept any intervention from outside. Showing great respect for West Africa’s transformation, is developing its political relations, security, and economic cooperation with care to avoid any misunderstanding.

Türkiye’s non-coercive and mutually respectful strategic approach, which extends from Somalia to Niger and from Sudan to Burkina Faso, represents a reality that goes beyond classic diplomatic rhetoric. Türkiye’s multidimensional cooperation and effective smart power strategy, which it pursues in various regions of Africa through different methods, now allows it to emerge not only as an actor but also as a partner that builds trust and takes responsibility. In today’s world, where international law is constantly violated and trust in the international community is eroded, maintaining this diplomatic stance, developing and advancing active cooperation to find “African solutions to African problems” is a historic responsibility for Türkiye.

Türkiye’s relationship with new actors in West Africa, particularly in the Sahel region, is based on mutual learning processes and experience sharing. In this context, Türkiye positions itself as a solution partner that provides assistance in a spirit of solidarity, shapes its projects based on the requests of the recipient countries, and, most importantly, prioritizes the priorities of its partners rather than its own agenda. ASS views Türkiye not only as a military partner but also as a strategic partner in the field of development. 

There is a common expectation that Türkiye will increase its contributions in areas such as technical equipment, education, health, and infrastructure in the region. The paradigm shift in West Africa is also closely related to dissatisfaction with the current archaic structure of the international system. The criticisms of the global order frequently voiced by Türkiye and West African leaders have been reflected in the ADF, with the African Union, the United Nations (UN), and the EU being criticized for their lack of response to the humanitarian crises and for their reports that are so inconsistent that they obscure the reality on the ground. 

West African leaders have clearly stated that the UN has failed to consider progress in the areas of security and development; criticism of the AU has focused more on the lack of participation and consultation, as well as the inconsistency between the Pan-African ideal and its practices. Türkiye’s long-standing criticism of these issues and its search for alternatives are clearly visible in West Africa. Türkiye ’s development diplomacy is not limited to projects carried out with central governments; it is effective in the field thanks to its direct contact with multi-actor structures such as local governments, women’s organizations, and youth movements. 

With its field-based, inclusive, and facilitative diplomacy approach, Türkiye is positioning itself as a reliable friend and partner in the eyes of African actors. In conclusion, the most fundamental thing that can be said about the paradigm shift observed in West Africa is that while the West is limiting its influence in the region, rising powers such as Russia, China, and Türkiye are increasing their potential influence.