Dalton wants to buy a jump rope that costs $7.0, a board game that costs $12.0, and a playground ball that costs $4.0. He also needs to pay $6.0 to his sister and $13.0 to his uncle. How much money does Dalton need to buy the jump rope, the game, and the ball and repay his relatives? Answer:

Some children goto ice-cream shop. 9 flavours are available there. Each child takes a cone with two different flavours. No two children take same combination and they have taken all such possible combinations. How many children went to ice cream shop ?
Some children goto ice-cream shop. 9 flavours are available there. Each child takes a cone with two different flavours. No two children take same combination and they have taken all such possible combinations. How many children went to ice cream shop ?
Answer : 4 36 Explanation : Answer: D) 36 Explanation: Given there are 9 flavours of ice creams. Each child takes the combination of two flavours and no two children will have the same combination This can be done by ways i.e children. Number of children=C29 = 9 x 8 / 1x 2 = 36.

What are the Monomers that make up Proteins?
What are the Monomers that make up Proteins?
Answer : 1 Amino acids Explanation : Answer: A) Amino acids Explanation: Proteins are long chains of Amino acids. That is in brief, Amino acids are the monomers of Proteins. Amino acids are compounds which contain both an amino group and a carboxylic group. Proteins are made up of 20 essential amino acids.Monomer means a small molecule of an organic substance i.e, building block in general.

The difference of two numbers is 1365. On dividing the larger number by the smaller, we get 6 as quotient and 15 as remainder. What is the smaller number ?
The difference of two numbers is 1365. On dividing the larger number by the smaller, we get 6 as quotient and 15 as remainder. What is the smaller number ?
Answer : 1 270 Explanation : Answer: A) 270 Explanation: Let the smallest number be x.Then larger number = (x 1365)x 1365 = 6x 15= 5x = 1350 x = 270Smaller number = 270.

Derivative of sinx by first principle?
Derivative of sinx by first principle?
Answer : 3 cosx Explanation : Answer: C) cosx Explanation: Thus, the derivative of sinx by first principle is cosx.

A person walking 6/7 of his usual rate is 30 minutes late. What is his usual time ?
A person walking 6/7 of his usual rate is 30 minutes late. What is his usual time ?
Answer : 3 3 hrs Explanation : Answer: C) 3 hrs Explanation: Let t be the usual time. If the usual rate is 1 unit, then the unusual rate is 6/7.Balance by the distance,1 x t = (6/7)(t 30)7t = 6(t 30)we get t as,t = 180 minutes = 3 hrs.

Which of the following is an example of representative money?
Which of the following is an example of representative money?
Answer : 4 A check Explanation : Answer: D) A check Explanation: Representative money is an item such as a token or piece of paper that has no intrinsic value but can be exchanged on demand for a commodity that does have intrinsic value, such as gold, silver, copper,... Hence, a Check is an example of representative money.

3 Friends went to a shop and purchased 3 toys. Each person paid Rs.10 which is the cost of one toy. So, they paid Rs.30 i.e. total amount. Shop owner gave a discount of Rs.5 on the total purchase of 3 toys for Rs.30. Then, among Rs.5, Each person has taken Rs.1 and remaining Rs.2 given to the beggar beside the shop.
Now, the effective amount paid by each person is Rs.9 and the amount given to beggar is Rs.2. So, total effective amount paid is 9*3 = 27 and the amount given to beggar is Rs.2, thus the total is Rs.29. Where has the other Rs.1 gone from the original Rs.30 ?????
The logic is payments should be equal to receipts. we cannot add amount paid by persons and amount given to beggar and compare it to Rs.30.
The total amount paid is Rs.27. So, from Rs.27, shop owner received Rs.25 and beggar received Rs. 2. Thus, payments are equal to receipts.
The logic is payments should be equal to receipts. we cannot add amount paid by persons and amount given to beggar and compare it to Rs.30.
The total amount paid is Rs.27. So, from Rs.27, shop owner received Rs.25 and beggar received Rs. 2. Thus, payments are equal to receipts.

5. Out of the remaining 22 nomads, 50% were men.
Can you tell the total number of members in the group and the number of males?
Answer: There were a total of fifty nomads in the group out of which 29 were male.

My oldest son, Jake, has had a challenging semester, to put it mildly. Tomorrow is the last day of his Sophomore year, and boy are we glad! He took his Chemistry exam today, and for extra credit, wrote the following poem–which demonstrates that his true talents lie in the Humanities.
O! Ye, Chemistry, Why dost thou tormenteth me?
What ill hath I inflicted thee, O, master of molarity?
But is this just proclivity? Nay, I say, it canst not be.
Perhaps the blame should rest on me, or on mine failure to study.
But wherefore should I practice thee? Thine formulas mean naught to me!
Molality and enthalpy? ‘Tis saturated lunacy!
Such loquacious complexity does hardly bare necessity!
But ho! What’s this? Thou speak to me?
Thou say that without chemistry, mine life, itself, would cease to be?
I’d wither, and would certainly become as plain as unsweet tea?
For truly thou art life indeed, in that you bid it to proceed.
It humbles me, O, chemistry, that thou, thyself, hast chosen me.
And thus, I beg a boon of thee: Please pardon me for failing thee.
Most truly and most dearly.
How bad I am at chemistry.
How low I scored on that test today.
I really have nowhere to go.
But I prefer the poetry!
All the cool people are liberal arts/humanities majors! He is talented, no doubt. Thanks for sharing his poem.
As an English major myself, I can’t help but agree. 🙂 Thanks for reading!

HomeBez kategoriiHow useful and rewarding does one discover social networking web-sites?
How useful and rewarding does one discover social networking web-sites?
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Churches-In.com assists you in your search for churches in Bremerton, Washington. A searchable directory of Christian churches in Bremerton, Washington with links to Church Profiles and maps. You may also see a list of all Churches in Bremerton, Washington.	Join the other 109816	churches in our directory.
Are you searching for churches in Bremerton, Washington? Churches-in.com brings the following church directory to you for free. If you belong to one of the Bremerton, Washington churches on our list and notice any errors, please let us know. If your church in Bremerton is missing from our directory, please add it.
Find a church in Bremerton including Baptist churches, Methodist churches, Roman Catholic, Pentecostal, non-denominational and all types of Christian churches. Click "View a Map" to see where the church location, and many listings have a link to the Church Profile on Church Finder. We pray you find the right church for you!

If there are two lines y = 3x + 5 and y = 2x - 1, what is their point of intersection?
If the line y = 3x + 5 intersects with y = 2x - 1, then we must set y equal to each other to find the point of intersection (x, y). 3x + 5 = 2x - 1 x = -6 Now plug x back into either equation. y = 3(-6) + 5 y = -13 Answer: The point of intersection is (-6, -13). Check: Plug the point of intersection back into both equations. y = 3x + 5 -13 = 3(-6) + 5 -13 = -18 + 5 -13 = -13 y = 2x - 1 -13 = 2(-6) - 1 -13 = -12 - 1 -13 = -13, our answer is correct!
If Car A is going 60 km per hour and has already been traveling for 1 hour, how long will Car B take to catch Car A if Car B starts now at 80 km per hour?
If Car A is going 60 km per hour and has already been traveling for 1 hour, Car A has already traveled 60 km. Then, let x be the time it takes in hours for Car B to catch Car A. Using distance = speed * time, the total distance that Car A would be 60 + 60x, while Car B would travel 80x. The resulting equation would be 60 + 60x = 80x because both cars would have equal distances when they meet. 60 + 60x = 80x 60 = 20x x = 3 Answer: It would take 3 hours for Car B to catch Car A. Check: We can check this by plugging x=3 back into the equation. Car A: 60 + 60x = 60 + 60(3) = 240 Car B: 80x = 80(3) = 240 240 = 240, our answer is correct!

Time flies when you're excited for the holidays. November went by so fast and now it's almost Christmas! I love December which is why I'm glad to finally be writing my November favorites. This month has definitely been a makeup filled month, not only because I wore a bunch but I also bought a bunch (someone please stop me from buying more!). My routine did change a few times in November but I always stuck to the same few products.
Ever since I got the Urban Decay Naked 2 Palette I've been obsessed. I used to always go for a matte eye look but with this palette I find myself branching out more and I love it. The shades are all so pigmented and I think this will be used a lot in December since there are so many different looks I can create with it. I bought the Anastasia Beverly Hills Dipbrow Pomade a while back and didn't use it much, but I've been trying to use it more. I found that it definitely made my eyebrows look darker than the brow wiz did, this also lasted much longer. Sometimes I would use this first at the ends of my brows and then go in with the brow wiz and blend everything else in.
The MAC Extra Dimension Skinfinish in "Oh, Darling" has been talked about so much since it released and I'm still going crazy over it just like I did when I wrote about it on this post. It adds such a pretty glow onto my skin and I've been reaching for it every single day. I do try and switch things up but I can't stop using this. It's a limited edition product so I should probably try not to finish it so quickly. There was a time where I had been obsessed with full coverage foundations because they made my skin matte and the Estee Lauder Double Wear Stay in Place Foundation was great for my oily skin. I don't like full coverage foundations anymore so I'll use my beauty blender with this to soak up a little more product and it'll give me medium coverage. Plum blushes have also been an obsession of mine for the past two months and I realized that I had a sample of the Lancome Blush Subtil Powderblush in Aplum so obviously I had to use it. All I have to say is that the color is gorgeous and the formula is amazing, when I run out of the sample size I will definitely buy the full size.
I'm someone who always sticks to the same shades of nail polishes and it could be horrible at times since I don't really have a lot to choose from. But ever since I got the OPI Nail Lacquer in Tickle My France-y I've been wearing it a lot. It's a neutral mauve shade, and I'm obviously a huge fan of mauves. OPI has a really great formula because their polishes last longer on my nails than other brands (sometimes) and it's a good thing that it lasts long because I hate having to redo my nails.
What are your November favorites?

Wie nennt man einen männlichen Seelöwen?
Lumbricus terrestris is the scientific name of what animal?
Von wem stammt das Gedicht “Das Sklavenschiff”?
Who wrote Alice in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass?
What shape does a rugby ball have?
What designer drug, also known as MDMA, is analogous to methamphetamines?
Who does Oedipus fall in love with?
In which of the following games the land has mushrooms, flowers and DDT bombs and the enemies are spiders, ladybugs and other insects?
What is the name of the ‘Silver Pharoh’, the most recently discovered Egyptian Pharoh?
What city is known for the “Alamo”?
What’s the definition of the term “Anatomy”?
Welche Längeneinheit spielt im Zusammenhang mit American Football eine Rolle?
Question : How many Gold medals did the North American Michael Phelps win in the 2008 Olympics?
Answer : Michael Phelps won Eight Gold medals in the 2008 Olympics.

Counting money is often a difficult mathematical skill for elementary students. Use the word problems below to help your second grader master this skill. Solutions and explanations are provided for each word problem.
In second grade, your child will be introduced to mathematical problems involving money. He or she will learn the value of each coin, how to count money and how to use monetary symbols appropriately. The word problems below will help your child improve his or her ability to count and calculate money.
Students often benefit if they are able to visually solve math problems using a hands-on activity. So, if your child is struggling, you may want to provide him or her with real or fake money.
1. Gabe had 15 cents until he spent three pennies. How much money does he have left?
Your child first needs to know that three pennies equals three cents. To solve this problem, use subtraction: 15 - 3 = 12 cents.
2. Susan spent 68 cents on bubble gum. She paid for her gum with three quarters. How much change should Susan get back?
Your child must first determine that Susan's three quarters equals 75 cents. Then, subtract the amount of money Susan gave (75 cents) by the amount she owes (68 cents): 75 - 68 = 7. Susan would receive seven cents in change.
3. At your lemonade stand, someone paid with $1.00. You owe them 26 cents in change. How many dimes and pennies would this be?
We know that a dime equals ten cents and that a penny equals one cent. Two dimes would be 20 cents of the change and six pennies would be six cents of the change. So, you could pay using two dimes and six pennies.
4. You have 45 cents in your pocket. Your teacher is selling pencils for ten cents each. How many pencils can you buy with the money you have?
Your child should add: 10 + 10 + 10 + 10 = 40. As a result, you could buy four pencils and have five cents left.
5. Two candy bars cost $1.40. How many quarters and dimes will you need to buy the candy?
You will need four quarters and four dimes to make $1.40. This can be shown by adding four quarters (25 + 25 + 25 + 25 = $1.00) and four dimes (10 + 10 + 10 + 10 = $0.40). Your child would then need to add: $1.00 + 0.40 = $1.40.

Why do the majority of astronomers believe in dark matter: matter whose composition is unknown but which seems to make up 80% of the mass of the galaxies? The concept was invented in the 1930’s by Fritz Zwicky who used it to explain why the galaxies in the Coma cluster are moving much more quickly than can be explained in terms of their known masses.
The most decisive step was taken in the 1970’s by the great Vera Rubin, who showed that the outer parts of galaxies are rotating much more quickly than we can explain using the combined masses of their stars, gas, and dust, and the law of gravity of Newton or Einstein. Since then astrophysicists have taken it as their standard scenario that galaxies are surrounded by a halo of this dark matter, which dominates their gravitational fields. But nobody has been able to identify what this dark matter is made of, in spite of the best efforts of the particle physicists. This has stimulated the researchers to think up additional tests. One of these was proposed 20 years ago. The theorists predicted that the halos ought to brake the rotation of the bars in galaxies. If they spin slowly this would be a strong proof of the reality of the halos, but if they spin quickly this would throw doubt on their existence and thus cast doubt on the standard model of modern cosmology.
“So we looked for an explanation” says Joan Font “and the only thing we could come up with was that perhaps the bars were growing longer as well as slowing down, so that the ratio of corotation radius to bar length has not become bigger even though the dark matter halo is slowing them down”. Joan, and his co-researcher John Beckman, decided to ask Inmaculada Martínez, a theorist researching at the IAC, to run a set of simulations to see whether this idea would work. She had already made models of how bars behave as galaxies evolve, and she already knew that bars do tend to grow longer by incorporating more stars from the disc. “When I used a model designed to look carefully at how a dark matter halo affects a bar, I did find that the ratio could get smaller than 1.4 even while the bar was being braked by the halo” states this astrophysicist.


Dalton wants to buy a jump rope that costs $7.0, a board game that costs $12.0, and a playground ball that costs $4.0. He has saved $6.0 from his allowance, and his uncle asked him for $13.0. How much more money does Dalton need to buy the jump rope, the game, and the ball? Answer:

The oldest dynasty still ruling in which country ?
The oldest dynasty still ruling in which country ?
Answer : 3 Japan Explanation : Answer: C) Japan Explanation: The longest-surviving dynasty in the world is the Imperial House of Japan.

There are 209 doctors and nurses in a hospital. If the ratio of the doctors to the nurses is 11 : 8, then how many nurses are there in the hospital?
There are 209 doctors and nurses in a hospital. If the ratio of the doctors to the nurses is 11 : 8, then how many nurses are there in the hospital?
Answer : 1 88 Explanation : Answer: A) 88 Explanation: Given,The ratio of the doctors to the nurses is 11 : 8Number of nurses = 8/19 x 209 = 88.

Assume that a pole vaulter can convert all of his kinetic energy into potential energy. If a 70.0 kg pole vaulter approaches the vault with a velocity of 9.80 m/s, about how high can he get?
Correct Answer: B. 4.90 m.
The mass of the vaulter cancels out.
Photo attributed to Marquis Lewis.

Out of sixty students, there are 14 who are taking Economics and 29 who are taking Calculus. What is the probability that a randomly chosen student from this group is taking only the Calculus class ?
Out of sixty students, there are 14 who are taking Economics and 29 who are taking Calculus. What is the probability that a randomly chosen student from this group is taking only the Calculus class ?
Answer : 2 7/15 Explanation : Answer: B) 7/15 Explanation: Given total students in the class = 60Students who are taking Economics = 24 andStudents who are taking Calculus = 32Students who are taking both subjects = 60-(24 32) = 60 - 56 = 4Students who are taking calculus only = 32 - 4 = 28probability that a randomly chosen student from this group is taking only the Calculus class = 28/60 = 7/15.

How long (approximately) is twilight on the Moon?
Answer: 0 seconds. There is no twilight on the Moon! The reason for this is that the Moon does not have any atmosphere. The reason there is something called twilight on Earth is because of light from the Sun that is refracted through the atmosphere. This is the reason why we see red sunsets (because near sunset, the blue light is scattered off dust in the atmosphere and only the red light reaches us), and blue skies (scattering of blue light off dust). In Moon, you will have a black sky and a bright Sun during day time. The Sun will set in the same manner as any star on Earth during night, and once the Sun sets, it will be night on the Moon. There will not be any twilight.

Hemavathi cut a cake into two halves and cuts one half into smaller pieces of equal size. Each of the small pieces is fifteen grams in weight. If she has nine pieces of the cake in all with her, how heavy was the original cake ?
Hemavathi cut a cake into two halves and cuts one half into smaller pieces of equal size. Each of the small pieces is fifteen grams in weight. If she has nine pieces of the cake in all with her, how heavy was the original cake ?
Answer : 1 240 gms Explanation : Answer: A) 240 gms Explanation: The nine pieces consist of 8 smaller equal pieces and one half cake piece.Weight of each small piece = 15 g.So, total weight of the cake = [2 x (15 x 8)]g = 240 g.

Right now, Dr. Johnson is three times older than his son.
When Dr. Johnson was 37 years old, his son was 3 years old.
How old are Dr. Johnson and his son now?
Answer: Dr. Johnson is 51 and his son is 17 years old.
Assume that Dr. Johnson is X years old and his son is Y years old.
Then 3Y = X, and X – Y = 34.
Solving for X and Y, we get X = 51 and Y = 17.

Guacamole is one of the most popular Mexican dish, known worldwide, that is very easy to prepare and is suitable for any occasion. It is a perfect appetizer that can be served with tortilla chips for a great texture.
Fold in onion, jalapeno, tomato, cilantro, salt and pepper to taste. If you like it more spicy add more jalapeno.
Cover with plastic wrap directly on the surface of the guacamole. This way you prevent oxidation. Refrigerate until serving. Serve with tortilla chips.
I have made guacamole for many years (having spent SO much time in Colorado - 35+ years). I love it, ate it before we knew it was a healthy thing (ha ha). I usually have lemons or lemon juice around and have very often substituted the lime for lemon and it works just the same as would the lime. This is pretty much how I have always made it, with the addition of some garlic (don't go over the top though). LOVE!!!!!

The delta region of the eastern coast is frequently struck by cyclones.
Answer: The Bay of Bengal is the centre of various pressure changes and hence there is always a chance of development of cyclone.
Due to this, the delta region of the eastern coast is frequently struck by cyclones.

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Finding the perfect wedding dress in Texarkana can be a difficult task! Here are several bridal shops selling wedding dresses in Texarkana.

This is a great fun book. Sarah is out for a walk when a Lion pounces upon her, because she is in his jungle and not following his rules. He decides he will eat her. But she tells him she can do something he can't, she can draw. It is a fun book about how to be better at being. A great lesson for children of all ages.

FLIP: Put this card face-up in your opponent’s deck and shuffle it. When your opponent draws this card, it is immediately Special Summoned on your opponent’s side of the field face-up in Defense Position and inflicts 1000 points of Direct Damage to your opponent’s Life Points. From this point, all face-up Monster Cards on your opponent’s side of the field are treated as Insect-Type monsters as long as this card remains face-up on the field.
A Machine-Type Monster equipped with this card increases its ATK or DEF by 700 points. You cannot change your choice as long as this card remains face-up on the field.
Select 1 card at random from your opponent’s hand. Keep it face-down and place it outside of the field. During your opponent’s 4th turn, the card is returned to his/her hand in the Standby Phase.
You can activate this card when a monster with an ATK of 2000 points or less is summoned (including Special Summon). This monster is not destroyed, but all Monster Cards of the same name in the summoning player’s hand and Deck are destroyed. The summoning player’s Deck is then shuffled.
You can take 1 Magic Card from your opponent’s Graveyard. If it is your turn and you activate it, you take 2000 points of Direct Damage. If it is your opponent’s turn, you cannot activate it. The Magic Card is returned to your opponent’s Graveyard at the end of this turn.
When your opponent’s monster attacks, increase your Life Points by the attacking monsters’s ATK points.
Decrease the ATK of all your opponent’s attacking monsters by half. You must pay 2000 Life Points during each of your Standby Phases. If you cannot, this card is destroyed.
You can activate this card when a monster is equipped with an Equip Magic Card. Negate the effects of all Equip Magic Cards on the field during the turn this card is activated.
You can activate this card when a Continous Magic Card is activated. Negate all Continous Magic Cards during the turn this card is activated.
You can activate this card when a Continous Trap Card is activated. Negate all Continous Trap Cards during the turn this card is activated.
You can activate this card when you take damage to your Life Points. Increase your Life Points by 1000 points. In addition, increase your Life Points by 500 points per card if there are additional “Numinous Healer” cards in the Graveyard.
You can activate this card when your opponent draws a card outside of his/her Draw Phase. Draw 2 cards your Deck.
You can activate this card during your opponent’s Battle Phase. Take 2 non-Monster Cards from your Deck and select 1 of your Monster Cards on the field, then shuffle your Deck. Shuffle the 3 selected cards and Set them on the field in face-down Defense Position. The 2 cards selected from your Deck are treated as monsters (ATK 0/ Def 0) and are destroyed at the end of the Battle Phase.
During your opponent’s Standby Phase, you can randomly select 1 card in your opponent’s hand and look at it at the cost of 500 Life Points.
When you play this card, declare the name of 1 card. As long as this remains on the field, the declared card cannot be played. The cards which are already on the field before this card’s activation are excluded.
When your opponent’s monster attacks this card in face-down Defense Position, the attacking monster is equipped with this card (damage calculations are canceled). Treat this card as an Equip Magic Card. During each of your opponent’s Standby Phases, increase your Life Points by half of the ATK of the monster equipped with this card.
The ATK of this card increases by 500 points for every Dragon-Type monster on your opponent’s side of the field and Graveyard.
You can activate this card when your opponent’s Life Points are 3000 or less. Inflict 500 points of Direct Damage to your opponent’s Life Points during each of his/her Standby Phases.
You can activate this card when your opponent’s hand has 6 or more cards and your hand contains 2 or less. Toss a coin and call it. If you call it right, draw until your hand has 5 cards. If you call it wrong, skip your next turn.
You can activate this card when you take damage to your Life Points. Inflict 700 points of Direct Damage to your opponent’s Life Points. In addition, inflict 300 points of Direct Damage to your opponent’s Life Points per card if there are additional “Attack and Receive” cards in your Graveyard.
Every time a card is sent to the Graveyard, inflict 300 points of Direct Damage to its owner’s Life Points per card.
FLIP: You can take 1 “Bubonic Vermin” card from your Deck and Special Summon it on the field in face-down Defense Position. The Deck is then shuffled.
Doubles the ATK of all Machine-Type monsters on your side of the field. At the end of the turn, all the Machine-Type monsters on your side of the field are destroyed.
Remove 1 monster on your side of the field from play until your next Standby Phase. The card still counts towards the 5 card Monster Zone limit.
For each Magic Card that you discard from your hand, inflict 500 points of Direct Damage to your opponent’s Life Points.
When “Umi” is face-up on the field, this card is unaffected by any Magic Cards and cannot be attacked by your opponent’s monsters.
A monster destroyed by this card becomes an Equip Magic Card. Equip “Sword Hunter” with the card to increase the ATK of this monster by 200 points. The equipped card remains on the field until this card is destroyed.
When this card inflicts damage to your opponent’s Life Points, you may take1 “Parasite Paracide” card from your Deck, shuffle the Deck, and place “Parasite Paracide” face-down on top of the Deck.
When “Umi” is face-up on the field, this card is unaffected by any Magic Cards.
When this monster is summoned (excluding Special Summon) select 1 of your opponent’s monsters. As long as this card remains face-up on the field, the selected monster cannot attack.
As long as this card remains face-up on the field, other monsters cannot change their positions or attack. This monster can take on the ATK and DEF of 1 opponent's monster on the field (a face-down monster results in an ATK and DEF of 0). Treat the selected monster as an Equip Magic Card and use it to equip "Thousand-Eyes Restrict". You may use this effect only once per turn and can equip "Thousand-Eyes Restrict" with only 1 monster at a time.
FLIP: Destroys all face-up Level 4 monsters on your opponent’s side of the field.
When this card attacks with an ATK that is higher than the DEF of your opponent’s Defense Position monster, inflict the difference as Battle Damage to your opponent’s Life Points.
Your opponent’s Insect-Type monsters cannot attack as long as this card remains face-up on the field.

Lucky Bird Bullet Proof Toy.
The Shred master bird toys are bird safe paper dispensers that allows parrots to tear off and shred . And, we all know what a favourite past time that is for parrots!
The Shred Master is loaded with 100 feet of shred-able paper.
Your bird will love to pull and pull and chew and shred on the paper.
This bird toy is refillable, and durable.
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The history of the Petersburg Soviet of Workers’ Deputies is the history of fifty days. The constituent meeting of the Soviet was held on October 13. On December 3 a meeting of the Soviet was closed down by government troops.
The first meeting was attended by a few dozen persons; by the second half of November the number of deputies had grown to 562, including 6 women. These persons represented 147 factories and plants, 34 workshops and 16 trade unions. The main mass of the deputies – 351 persons – belonged to the metalworkers; these played the decisive role in the Soviet. There were deputies from the textile industry, 32 from the printing and paper industries, 12 from the shop-workers and from office workers and the pharmaceutical trade. The Executive Committee acted as the Soviet’s ministry. It was formed on October 17 and consisted of 31 persons – 22 deputies and 9 representatives of parties (6 from the two social-democrat factions and 3 from the socialist revolutionaries).
What was the essential nature of this institution which within a short time assumed such an important place within the revolution and marked the period of its maximum power?
The Soviet organized the working masses, directed the political strikes and demonstrations, armed the workers, and protected the population against pogroms. Similar work was also done by other revolutionary organizations before the Soviet came into existence, concurrently with it, and after it. Yet this did not endow them with the influence that was concentrated in the hands of the Soviet. The secret of this influence lay in the fact that the Soviet grew as the natural organ of the proletariat in its immediate struggle for power as determined by the actual course of events. The name of “workers’ government” which the workers themselves on the one hand, and the reactionary press on the other, gave to the Soviet was an expression of the fact that the Soviet really was a workers’ government in embryo. The Soviet represented power insofar as power was assured by the revolutionary strength of the working-class districts; it struggled for power insofar as power still remained in the hands of the military-political monarchy.
Prior to the Soviet we find among the industrial workers a multitude of revolutionary organizations directed, in the main, by the social-democratic party. But these were organizations within the proletariat, and their immediate aim was to achieve influence over the masses. The Soviet was, from the start, the organization of the proletariat, and its aim was the struggle for revolutionary power.
As it became the focus of all the country’s revolutionary forces, the Soviet did not allow its class nature to be dissolved in revolutionary democracy: it was and remained the organized expression of the class will of the proletariat. In the struggle for power it applied methods which were naturally determined by the nature of the proletariat as a class: its role in production, its vast numbers, its social homogeneity. More than that, the Soviet combined its struggle for power as the head of all the revolutionary forces with directing independent class activity by the working masses in many different ways; it not only encouraged the organization of trade unions, but actually intervened in disputes between individual workers and their employees. It was precisely because the Soviet, the democratic representative body of the proletariat at a time of revolution, stood at the meeting-point of all its class interests, that it immediately came under the all-determining influence of the social-democratic party. The party now had its chance to make use of all the tremendous advantages of its Marxist training, and because it was able to see its political way clear in the great “chaos,” it succeeded almost without effort in transforming the Soviet – formally a non-party organization – into the organizational instrument of its own influence.
The principal method of struggle used by the Soviet was the political general strike. The revolutionary strength of such strikes consists in the fact that, acting over the head of capital, they disorganize state power. The greater, the more complete the “anarchy” caused by a strike, the nearer the strike is to victory. But on one condition only: the anarchy must not be created by anarchic means. The class which, by simultaneous cessation of work, paralyzes the production apparatus and with it the centralized apparatus of power, isolating parts of the country from one another and sowing general confusion, must itself be sufficiently organized not to become the first victim of the anarchy it has created. The more completely a strike renders the state organization obsolete, the more the organization of the strike itself is obliged to assume state functions. These conditions for a general strike as a proletarian method of struggle were, at the same time, the conditions for the immense significance of the Soviet of Workers’ Deputies.
By the pressure of strikes, the Soviet won the freedom of the press. It organized regular street patrols to ensure the safety of citizens. To a greater or lesser extent, it took the postal and telegraph services and the railways into its hands. It intervened authoritatively in economic disputes between workers and capitalists. It made an attempt to introduce the eight-hour working day by direct revolutionary pressure. Paralyzing the activity of the autocratic state by means of the insurrectionary strike, it introduced its own free democratic order into the life of the laboring urban population.
After January 9 the revolution showed that it controlled the consciousness of the working masses. On June 14, by the rising on board the Potemkin Tavrichesky, the revolution showed that it could become a material force. By the October strike it showed that it could disorganize the enemy, paralyze his will, and reduce him to complete humiliation. Finally, by organizing workers’ Soviets throughout the country, the revolution showed that it was able to create organs of power. Revolutionary power can rest only on active revolutionary strength. Whatever one’s views on the further development of the Russian revolution may be, the fact is that no social class except the proletariat has hitherto shown itself capable and ready to support revolutionary power.
The revolution’s first act was the attempted dialogue between the proletariat and the monarchy in the city streets; the revolution’s first important victory was achieved by a purely class weapon of the proletariat, the political strike; finally, the representative body of the proletariat assumed the role of the first embryonic organ of revolutionary power. With the Soviet we have the first appearance of democratic power in modern Russian history. The Soviet is the organized power of the mass itself over its separate parts. It constitutes authentic democracy, without a lower and an upper chamber, without a professional bureaucracy, but with the voters’ right to recall their deputies at any moment. Through its members – deputies directly elected by the workers – the Soviet exercises direct leadership over all social manifestations of the proletariat as a whole and of its individual groups, organizes its actions and provides them with a slogan and a banner.
According to the census of 1897, there were approximately 820,000 “actively employed” persons living in Petersburg, including 433,000 workers and domestic servants. In other words, the proletarian population of the capital amounted to 53 per cent. If we include the non-employed population, we obtain a somewhat lower figure (50.8 per cent) owing to the relatively small size of proletarian families. But in any event the proletariat represented more than half the population of Petersburg.
The Soviet of Workers’ Deputies was not the official representative of the capital’s entire half-million-strong proletarian population; organizationally speaking, it represented approximately 200,000 persons, principally factory and plant workers, and although its political influence, both direct and indirect, extended to a wider circle, very important strata of the proletariat (building workers, domestic servants, unskilled laborers, cab drivers) were scarcely or not at all represented. It cannot be doubted, however, that the Soviet represented the interests of the whole proletarian mass. Even where so-called “Black Hundreds” groups existed in factories, their numbers shriveled day by day and hour by hour. Among the proletarian masses, the political dominance of the Soviet in Petersburg found no opponents but only supporters. The only exceptions might have been among the privileged domestic servants – lackeys of the high-ranking lackeys of the bureaucracy, of ministers, stock-exchange operators and high-class tarts, people with whom conservatism and monarchism is an occupational disease.
Among the intelligentsia, which is so numerous in Petersburg, the Soviet had many more friends than enemies. Thousands of students recognized the political leadership of the Soviet and ardently supported its measures. The professional and civil service intelligentsia, with the exception of those grown hopelessly fat at their desks, was on its side – at least for the time being.
The Soviet’s energetic support of the postal and telegraph strike attracted the sympathetic attention of the lower strata of the civil service. All who were oppressed, dispossessed, honest, life-affirming in the city were consciously or instinctively drawn towards the Soviet.
Who was against it? The representatives of predatory capitalism, stock-exchange operators speculating on rising prices, contractors, merchants, and exporters ruined by the strikes, suppliers of bullion, the gang ensconced in the Petersburg duma (that householders’ syndicate), the higher bureaucracy, poules de luxe whose keep formed part of the state budget, highly paid, highly decorated public men, the secret police – all that was coarse, dissolute, and doomed to death.
Between the Soviet’s supporters and its enemies stood the politically indeterminate, hesitant, or unreliable elements. The most backward groups of the petty bourgeoisie, not yet drawn into politics, had not had time to grasp the role and significance of the Soviet. The labor-employing craftsmen were frightened and alarmed: in them, the petty property-owner’s detestation of strikes fought with vague expectations of a better future.
The unsettled professional politicians from intellectual circles, radical journalists who did not know what they wanted, democrats riddled with skepticism, were peevishly condescending towards the Soviet, counted its mistakes on their fingers and generally made it understood that if only it was they who stood at the head of the Soviet, the proletariat’s happiness would be assured forevermore. Such gentlemen’s excuse is their impotence.
In any case the Soviet was, actually or potentially, the organ representing the overwhelming majority of the population. Its enemies among the population would have been no threat to its dominance had they not been supported by absolutism, still alive and supported in its turn by the most backward elements of the muzhik army. The Soviet’s weakness was not its own weakness but that of any purely urban revolution.
The period of the fifty days was the time of the revolution’s greatest power. The Soviet was its organ of struggle for power. The class character of the Soviet was determined by the sharp class division of the urban population and the profound political antagonism between the proletariat and the capitalist bourgeoisie, even within the historically limited framework of the struggle against absolutism. After the October strike the capitalist bourgeoisie consciously attempted to slow down the revolution; the petty bourgeoisie proved too weak to play an independent part; the proletariat had unchallenged hegemony over the urban revolution, and its own class organization was its weapon in the struggle for power.
The strength of the Soviet grew as the government became increasingly demoralized. Non-proletarian circles became more and more sympathetic towards it as the old state power showcd itself to be by comparison more and more helpless and confused.
The mass political strike was the Soviet’s principal weapon. Because it established direct revolutionary links between all groups of the proletariat and supported the workers of all enterprises with the authority and force of the entire working class, it gained the power of stopping the country’s economic life. Although ownership of the means of production continued to remain in the hands of the capitalists and the state, and although state power continued to remain in the hands of the bureaucracy, the actual running of the national means of production and communication – at least so far as the possibility to interrupt the regular functioning of economic and state life was concerned – lay in the hands of the Soviet. It was precisely this ability of the Soviet, an ability proved in practice, to paralyze the economy and to introduce anarchy into the life of the state, that made the Soviet what it was. Given these facts, to seek ways of ensuring the peaceful coexistence of the Soviet and the old regime would have been hopelessly utopian. Yet all criticisms of the Soviet’s tactics, if we lay bare their real content, proceed from just this fantastic idea: after October, the Soviet should have refrained from all offensive action and should have concentrated on organizing the masses on the ground won from absolutism.
But what was the nature of the October victory?
It cannot be disputed that as a result of the October campaign absolutism repudiated itself “in principle.” But it had not really lost the battle; it merely refused to engage. It made no serious attempt to use its rural army against the mutinous, striking towns. Naturally it was not for reasons of humanity that it refrained from making such an attempt; quite simply, it was deeply discouraged and robbed of its composure. The liberal elements in the bureaucracy, awaiting their chance, achieved preponderance at a moment when the strike was already on the wane, and published the manifesto of October 17, that abdication “in principle” of absolutism. But the whole material organization of the state – the civil service hierarchy, the police, the courts of law, the army – still remained the undivided property of the monarchy. What could, what should the Soviet’s tactics have been under such conditions? Its strength consisted in the fact that, supported by the productive proletariat, it was able (insofar as it was able) to deprive absolutism of the possibility of operating the material apparatus of its power. From this viewpoint the Soviet’s activity meant the organizing of “anarchy.” Its continuing existence and development meant the consolidating of “anarchy.” Prolonged coexistence was an impossibility. The future conflict was, from the very start, the material core of the half-victory of October.
What was there left for the Soviet to do? Pretend that it did not see the conflict as inevitable? Make believe that it was organizing the masses for the future joys of a constitutional regime? Who would have believed it? Certainly not absolutism, and certainly not the working class.
The example of the two Dumas was to show us later how useless outwardly correct conduct – empty forms of loyalty – are in the struggle against absolutism. In order to anticipate the tactics of “constitutional” hypocrisy in an autocratic country, the Soviet would have had to be made of different stuff. But where would that have led? To the same end as that of the two Dumas: to bankruptcy.
There was nothing left for the Soviet to do but recognize that a clash in the immediate future was inevitable; it could choose no other tactics but those of preparing for insurrection.
What could have been the nature of such preparations, if not to develop and consolidate precisely those of the Soviet’s qualities which enabled it to paralyze the life of the state and which made up its strength? Yet the Soviet’s natural efforts to strengthen and develop those qualities brought the conflict inevitably nearer.
The Soviet was increasingly concerned with extending its influence over the army and the peasantry. In November the Soviet called upon the workers to express actively their fraternal solidarity with the awakening army as personified by the Kronstadt sailors. Not to do this would have been to refuse to extend the Soviet’s strength. To do it was a step towards the coming conflict.
Or was there perhaps a third way? Perhaps the Soviet, together with the liberals, could have appealed to the so-called “statesmanship” of the authorities? Perhaps it could and should have found the line that divided the rights of the people from the prerogatives of the monarchy, and stopped this side of that sacred boundary? But who could have guaranteed that the monarchy, too, would stop on its side of the demarcation line? Who would have undertaken to organize peace, or even a temporary truce, between the two sides? Liberalism? On October 18 one of the Soviet’s deputations proposed to Count Witte that, as a sign of reconciliation with the people, the troops might be with drawn from the capital. “It is better to stay without electricity and water than without troops,” the Minister replied. Obviously the government had no intention of disarming.
What was the Soviet to do? Either it had to withdraw, leaving the matter in the hands of the chamber of conciliation, the future State Duma, which is what the liberals really wanted; or it had to prepare to hold on with armed power to everything that had been won in October, and, if possible, to launch a further offensive. We now know only too well that the chamber of conciliation was transformed into an arena of new revolutionary conflict. Consequently the objective role played by the first two Dumas only confirmed the truth of the political forecast on which the proletariat constructed its tactics. But we need not look so far ahead. We can ask: who or what was to guarantee the very coming into existence of that “chamber of conciliation,” whose destiny was never to conciliate anyone? The same “statesmanship” of the monarchy? Its solemn promises? Count Witte’s word of honor? The zemtsy’s visit to Peterhof, where they were received at the back door? The warning voice of Mr. Mendelssohn? Or, finally, the so-called “natural course of events” on whose shoulders liberalism piles all the tasks that history would impose on the initiative, intelligence, and strength of liberalism itself?
But if the December clash was inevitable, did not the reason for December’s defeat lie in the composition of the Soviet? It has been said that the Soviet’s fundamental flaw was its class nature. In order to become the organ of “national” revolution, the Soviet should have broadened its structure, so that representatives of all the strata of the population might find their place within it. This would have then stabilized the Soviet’s authority and increased its strength. But is that really so?
The Soviet’s strength was determined by the role of the proletariat in a capitalist society. The Soviet’s task was not to transform itself into a parody of parliament, not to organize equal representation of the interests of different social groups, but to give unity to the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat. The principal weapon in the Soviet’s hands was the political strike – a method unique to the proletariat, which is the class of wage labor. The homogeneity of its class composition eliminated internal friction within the Soviet and rendered it capable of revolutionary initiative.
By what means could the Soviet’s composition have been broadened? The representatives of the liberal unions might have been invited to join; this would have enriched the Soviet with the presence of twenty or so intellectuals. Their influence in the Soviet would have been proportional to the role played by the Union of Unions in the revolution, that is, it would have been infinitely small.
What other social groups might have been represented in the Soviet? The zemstvo congress? The trade and industrial organizations?
The zemstvo congress met in Moscow in November; it discussed the question of its relations with Witte’s ministry, but the question of relations with the workers’ Soviet never even entered its head.
The Sevastopol rising occurred when the zemstvocongress was in session. As we have seen, this immediately caused the zemtsy to swerve to the right, so that Mr. Milyukov was obliged to reassure them with a speech roughly to the effect that the insurrection, God be thanked, had already been suppressed. What could have been the form of any revolutionary cooperation between these counter-revolutionary gentlemen and the workers’ deputies who saluted and supported the Sevastopol insurgents? No one has yet given an answer to this question. One of the half sincere, half-hypocritical tenets of liberalism is the demand that the army should remain outside politics. In contrast to this, the Soviet employed tremendous energy in trying to draw the army into revolutionary politics. Or should the Soviet perhaps have had such infinite trust in the Tsar’s manifesto that it left the army entirely in Trepov’s hands? And, if not, where was the program on whose basis cooperation with the liberals might have been conceivable in this vitally important field? What could have been these gentlemen’s contribution to the Soviet’s activities, if not one of systematic opposition, endless debate, and internal demoralization? What could they have given us other than their advice, which we knew anyway by reading the liberal press? It may be that “statesmanship” really was the prerogative of the Kadets and the Octobrists; nevertheless the Soviet could not transform itself into a club for political polemics and mutual indoctrination. It had to be, and remained, an organ of struggle.
What could the representatives of bourgeois liberalism and bourgeois democracy have added to the Soviet’s strength? How could they have enriched its methods of struggle? It is enough to recall the role they played in October, November, and December, enough to know how little resistance these elements were to offer to the dissolution of their own Duma, to understand that the Soviet was entitled to, that it was duty bound to remain a class organization, that is, an organ of struggle. Bourgeois deputies might have made the Soviet more numerous, but they were absolutely incapable of making it stronger.
By the same token we reject those purely rationalist, unhistorical accusations which argue that the Soviet’s irreconcilable class tactics hurled the bourgeoisie back into the camp of order. The labor strike, which showed itself to be a mighty weapon of revolution, also introduced “anarchy” into industry. This was enough in itself to make oppositional capital put the slogan of public order and continuing capitalist exploitation above all the slogans of liberalism.
The employers decided that the “glorious” (as they called it) October strike had to be the last – and organized the anti-revolutionary Union of October 17. They had sufficient reason for doing so. Each of them had ample opportunity to discover in his own factory that the political gains of the revolution go hand in hand with the consolidation of the workers’ stand against capital. Certain politicians think that the main trouble with the struggle for the eight-hour day was that it caused the final split in the opposition and turned capital into a counter-revolutionary force. These critics would like to put the class energy of the proletariat at the disposal of history without accepting the consequences of the class struggle. It goes without saying that the unilateral introduction of the eight-hour day was bound to produce a violent reaction on the part of the employers. But it is puerile to believe that without this particular campaign the capitalists’ rapprochement with Witte’s capitalist stock-exchange government would not have taken place. The unification of the proletariat as an independent revolutionary force placing itself at the head of the popular masses and offering a constant threat to “public order” was argument enough in favor of a coalition between capital and the authorities.
True, during the first phase of the revolution, when it manifested itself in spontaneous scattered outbursts, the liberals tolerated it. They clearly saw that the revolutionary movement shook the foundations of absolutism and forced it towards a constitutional agreement with the ruling classes. They put up with strikes and demonstrations, adopted a friendly attitude towards revolutionaries, and criticized them only mildly and cautiously. After October 17, when the conditions for the constitutional deal were already written down, and it seemed that all that was left was to put them into effect, the revolution’s further work obviously undermined the very possibility of such a deal between the liberals and the authorities. From then on the proletarian masses, united by the October strike and organized within themselves, put the liberals against the revolution by the very fact of their existence. The liberals felt that the Moor had done his work  and should now quietly go back to his lathe. The Soviet, on the contrary, believed that the main struggle lay ahead. Under such circumstances any revolutionary cooperation between the capitalist bourgeoisie and the proletariat was out of the question.
December follows from October as a conclusion follows from a premise. The outcome of the December clash is to be explained, not by isolated tactical errors, but by the decisive fact that the mechanical forces of reaction proved greater than that of the revolution. The proletariat was defeated in the insurrection of December and January, not by its own mistakes, but by a more real quantity: the bayonets of the peasant army.
Liberalism, it is true, is of the opinion that deficiency of fire power should in all circumstances be answered by speed of leg power: it regards retreat at the moment of decision as the most truly courageous, mature, pondered and effective tactic. This liberal philosophy of desertion made an impression on certain littérateurs in the ranks of social-democracy itself, who, in retrospect, posed the question: if the proletariat’s defeat in December was due to the insufficiency of its forces, did not its error consist precisely in the fact that, not being sufficiently strong for victory, it accepted battle? To this we can reply: if battles were engaged only in the certainty of victory, there would be no battles fought in this world. A preliminary calculation of forces cannot determine in advance the outcome of revolutionary conflicts. If it could, the class struggle should have long since been replaced by bookkeeping. That is what, a little while ago, the treasurers of certain trade unions were dreaming of. But it turned out that even with the most modern system of accounting it is impossible to convince capitalists by evidence extracted from a ledger, and that arguments based on figures must, in the end, be supported by the argument of a strike.
And however well everything is calculated in advance, every strike gives rise to a whole series of new facts, material and moral, which cannot be foreseen and which eventually decide the outcome of the struggle. Now imagine that such a trade union, with its precise accounting methods, has been swept aside; extend the strike over the entire country and give it a great political aim; put state power and the proletariat face to face as immediate enemies; surround both with allies – real, potential, or imaginary; add the indifferent strata of the population, ruthlessly fought for by both sides; add the army, whose revolutionary elements emerge only in the turmoil of events; add exaggerated hopes on the one hand and exaggerated fears on the other, both being very real factors; add the paroxysms of the stock exchange and all the complex effects of international relations – and you will obtain the climate of the revolution. Under such circumstances the subjective will of a party, even a “dominant” party, is only one of the factors involved, and not by any means the most important one.
In revolution, even more than in war, the moment of battle is determined less by calculations on either side than by the respective position of both the opposition armies. It is true that in war, owing to the mechanical discipline of armies, it is sometimes possible to lead an entire army away from the field of battle with out any engagement taking place; yet in such cases the military commander must still ask himself whether the strategy of retreat will not demoralize his troops and whether, by avoiding today’s battle, he is not preparing the ground for a more disastrous one tomorrow. General Kuropatkin might have a great deal to say on that point. But in a developing revolutionary situation a planned retreat is, from the start, unthinkable. A party may have the masses behind it while it is attacking, but that does not mean that it will be able to lead them away at will in the midst of the attack. It is not only the party that leads the masses: the masses, in turn, sweep the party forward. And this will happen in any revolution, however powerful its organization. Given such conditions, to retreat without battle may mean the party abandoning the masses under enemy fire.
Of course the social democrats, being the “dominant” party, might have refused to accept the reaction’s challenge in December and, to use the same Kuropatkin’s happy expression, might have “withdrawn to previously prepared positions,” that is, into clandestinity. But by doing so it would merely have enabled the government, in the absence of any generalized resistance, to smash the legal and semi-legal workers’ organizations (which the party itself had helped to create), one by one. That would have been the price paid by social democracy for the doubtful privilege of being able to stand aside from the revolution, philosophize about its mistakes, and work out faultless plans whose only disadvantage is that they are produced at a moment when no one any longer wants them. It is easy to imagine how this would have assisted the consolidation of links between the party and the masses!
No one can assert that the social democrats speeded up the conflict. On the contrary, it was on their initiative that the Petersburg Soviet, on October 22, canceled the funeral procession so as not to provoke a clash without first trying to make use of the confused and hesitant “new regime” for widespread agitational and organizational work among the masses. When the government made its over-hasty attempt to re-establish control over the country and, as a first step, proclaimed martial law in Poland, the Soviet maintained purely defensive tactics and did nothing to carry the November strike to the stage of open conflict; instead, it turned the strike into a protest movement and contented itself with the tremendous moral effect of this on the army and the Polish workers.
But if the party, because of its awareness of the need for organizational preparedness, evaded battle in October and November, in December this consideration no longer applied. Not (needless to say) because such preparedness had already been achieved, but because the government – which also had no choice – had opened the battle by destroying all the revolutionary organizations created in October and November. If, under those conditions, the party had decided to refuse to give battle once again, and even if it had been able to withdraw the revolutionary masses from the open arena, it would only have been preparing the ground for insurrection under still less favorable conditions: namely the absence of a sympathetic press and all mass organizations, and in the demoralized atmosphere which inevitably follows a retreat.
In revolution as in war it is absolutely necessary at the decisive moment to stake everything, whatever the chances of the struggle. History does not know a single successful revolution that does not testify to the correctness of this proposition ... Defeat after persistent struggle is a fact of no less revolutionary significance than an easily snatched victory ... In any struggle it is absolutely inevitable that he who throws down the glove runs the risk of being defeated; but is that a reason to declare oneself defeated from the start and to submit without drawing the sword?
In his well-known Introduction to Marx’s The Class Struggles in France, Engels left a way open for serious misunderstandings when he balanced the new possibilities of victory arising from the evolution of the class composition of the army against the military-technological difficulties of insurrection (rapid railway transport of troops, the destructive power of modern artillery, the broad streets of modern towns). On the one hand Engels made a very one-sided assessment of the significance of modern techniques in revolutionary risings and, on the other hand, he did not consider it necessary or convenient to explain that the evolution of the class composition of the army can become politically significant only when there is a direct confrontation between the army and the people.
A word on both sides of the question . The decentralized nature of revolution necessitates the continual transfer of troops. Engels says that, thanks to the railways, garrisons can be more than doubled within twenty-four hours. But he overlooks the fact that a genuine mass rising inevitably presupposes a railway strike. Before the government can begin to transfer its armed forces, it must – in ruthless combat with the striking personnel – seize the railway line and rolling stock, organize traffic, and restore the destroyed track and blown-up bridges. The best rifles and sharpest bayonets are not enough for all this; and the experience of the Russian revolution shows that even minimal success in this direction requires incomparably more than twenty-four hours.
Further, before proceeding to the transfer of armed forces, the government must know the state of affairs in the country. Telegraph speeds up information to an even greater extent than the railways speed up transport. But, here again, a rising both presupposes and engenders a postal and telegraph strike. If the insurrection is unable to bring the postal and telegraph personnel over to its side – a fact that would bear witness to the weakness of the revolutionary movement! – it can still overturn the telegraph poles and cut the wires. Although this is detrimental to both sides, the revolution, whose principal strength by no means resides in an automatically functioning organization, stands to lose far less than the state.
The telegraph and the railways are, without any question, powerful weapons in the hands of the modern centralized state. But they are double-edged weapons. And while the existence of society and the state as a whole depend on the continuance of proletarian labor, this dependence is most obvious in the case of the railways and the postal and telegraph service. As soon as the rails and wires refuse to serve, the government apparatus is fragmented into separate parts without any means of transport or communication (not even the most primitive ones) between them. That being so, matters may go a very long way before the authorities succeed in “doubling” a local garrison.
Side by side with the transfer of troops, an insurrection confronts the government with the problem of transport for military supplies. We already know the difficulties which a general strike creates in this respect; but to these should be added the further risk that military supplies may be intercepted by the insurgents. This risk becomes the more real, the more decentralized the character of the revolution and the larger the masses drawn into it. We have seen workers at Moscow stations seize weapons being transported to some distant theater of operations. Similar actions occurred in many places. In the Kuban region insurgent cossacks intercepted a transport of rifles. Revolutionary soldiers handed ammunition over to insurgents, etc.
Of course, when all is said and done, there can be no question of a purely military victory by the insurgents over the government troops. The latter are bound to be physically stronger, and the problem must always be reduced to the mood and behavior of the troops. Without class kinship between the forces on both sides of the barricades, the triumph of the revolution, given the military technology of today, would be impossible indeed. But on the other hand it would be a most dangerous illusion to believe that the army’s “crossing over to the side of the people” can take the form of a peaceful, spontaneous manifestation. The ruling classes, confronted with the question of their own life or death, never willingly surrender their positions because of theoretical considerations concerning the class composition of the army.
Thus an insurrection is, in essence, not so much a struggle against the army as a struggle for the army. The more stubborn, far-reaching, and successful the insurrection, the more probable – indeed inevitable – is a fundamental change in the attitude of the troops. Guerrilla fighting on the basis of a revolutionary strike cannot in itself, as we saw in Moscow, lead to victory. But it creates the possibility of sounding the mood of the army, and after a first important victory – that is, once a part of the garrison has joined the insurrection – the guerrilla struggle can be transformed into a mass struggle in which a part of the troops, supported by the armed and unarmed population, will fight another part, which will find itself in a ring of universal hatred. We have seen in the Black Sea Fleet, in Kronstadt, in Siberia, in the Kuban region, later in Sveaborg and in many other places that when the class, moral, and political heterogeneity of the army causes troops to cross over to the side of the people, this must, in the first instance, mean a struggle between two opposing camps within the army. In all these cases, the most modern weapons of militarism – rifles, machine guns, fortress and field artillery, battleships – were found not only in the hands of the government but also in the service of the revolution.
On the basis of the experience of Bloody Sunday, January 9, 2905, a certain English journalist, Mr. Arnold White, arrived at the brilliant conclusion that if Louis XVI had had a few batteries of Maxim guns at his disposal, the French Revolution would not have taken place. What pathetic superstition to believe that the historical chances of revolutions can be measured by the caliber of rifles or the diameter of guns! The Russian revolution showed once more that people are not ruled by rifles, guns, and battleships: in the final analysis, rifles, guns, and battleships are controlled by people.
On December 11, the Witte-Durnovo ministry, which by that time had become the Durnovo-Witte ministry, published an electoral law. At a time when Dubasov, the dry-land admiral, was restoring the honor of St. Andrew’s flag in the streets of Presnya, the government hastened to open up a legal path for reconciliation between the property-owning public on the one hand and the monarchy and bureaucracy on the other. From that moment on, the struggle for power, though revolutionary in essence, developed under the guise of constitutionalism.
In the first Duma the Kadets passed themselves off as the leaders of the people. Since the popular masses, with the exception of the urban proletariat, were still in a chaotically oppositional mood, and since the elections were boycotted by the parties of the extreme left, the Kadets found themselves masters of the situation in the Duma. They “represented” the whole of Russia: the liberal landowners, the liberal merchants, the lawyers, doctors, civil servants, shopkeepers, shop assistants, partly even the peasants. Although the Kadet leadership remained, as before, in the hands of landowners, professors, and lawyers, the party, under pressure from the interests and needs of the countryside which relegated all other problems to the background, turned to the left. Thus we come to the dissolution of the Duma and the Vyborg manifesto, which was later to cause so many sleepless nights to the liberal windbags.
The Kadets were returned to the second Duma in smaller numbers but, as Milyukov admitted, they now had the advantage of being backed, not merely by the discontented man-in-the-street, but by the voter who wanted to dissociate himself from the left, that is, to give his vote more consciously to the anti-revolutionary platform. Whereas the main mass of land owners and representatives of large capital had crossed over into the camp of active reaction, the urban petty bourgeoisie, the commercial proletariat, and the rank-and-file intelligentsia now voted for the left-wing parties. A part of the landowners and the middle layers of the urban population followed the Kadets. The representatives of the peasants and workers stood to the left of them.
The Kadets voted for the government plan for army recruitment, and promised to vote for the budget. In exactly the same way they would have voted for new loans to cover the state deficit and, without hesitation, would have assumed responsibility for the autocracy’s old debts. Golovin, that pathetic figure in the speaker’s chair, embodying all the impotence and insignificance of liberalism, said after the Duma had been dissolved that the government ought to interpret the Kadets’ behavior as its own victory over the opposition. He was perfectly right. Under such circumstances one might have thought there were no grounds for dissolving the Duma; yet it was dissolved. This proves that there exists a stronger force than the political arguments of liberalism. That force is the inner logic of revolution.
This reply, which expresses not only the philosophy of the government coup but also that of the popular rising, caused extreme embarrassment to the liberals. “What an unheard-of admission!” cried the liberal journalists, vowing for the thousand and first time that right is stronger than might.
Yet their entire policy was designed to convince the government of the contrary. They retreated again and again. In order to save the Duma from dissolution they abdicated all their rights, thus proving beyond dispute that might is stronger than right. Under such conditions the government was bound to feel tempted to continue using its weapons of power to the end.
The second Duma was dissolved. Now conservative national-liberalism, personified by the Union of October 17, appears as the successor of the revolution. The Kadets see themselves as the heirs to the revolution’s tasks. The Octobrists were in actual fact the heirs of the Kadets’ appeasement tactics. However furtively contemptuous the Kadets were to the Octobrists, the latter drew the only logical conclusions from the Kadets’ own premise: if you do not get your support from the revolution, you have to get it from Stolypin’s constitutionalism.
Driven into a historical cul-de-sac by the irreconcilable attitudes of the nobility and the bureaucracy, who once more emerged as the unlimited masters of the situation, the bourgeois parties are looking for a way out of the economic and political contradictions of their position – in imperialism. They seek compensation for their domestic defeats in foreign affairs – in the Far East (the Amur railway), Persia, and the Balkans. The so-called “annexation” of Bosnia and Herzegovina was greeted in Petersburg and Moscow with the deafening clatter of all the old ironware of patriotism. And the Kadet party, which, of all the bourgeois parties, claimed to be the most opposed to the old order, now stands at the head of militant “neo-Slavism”; the Kadets are hoping that capitalist imperialism will solve the problems left unsolved by revolution. Driven to de facto abandonment of any idea of confiscating the landowners’ lands and of any democratization of the social system – which means the abandonment of any hope of creating, by means of a farming peasantry, a stable domestic market for capitalist development – the Kadets transfer their hopes to foreign markets. For success to be achieved in that direction, strong state power is needed; and the liberals find themselves compelled to give active support to Tsarism as the actual holder of such power. The oppositionally-tinted imperialism of the Milyukovs merely serves as a kind of ideological cosmetic for that revolting mixture of autocratic bureaucracy, brutal landlordism and parasitic capitalism that is at the very core of the third Duma.
The situation which has arisen as a result of all this may yet lead to the most unexpected consequences. The same government that buried the reputation of its strength in the waters of Tsushima and the battlefields of Mukden; the same government that suffered the terrible sequel of its adventurist policies, now unexpectedly finds itself patriotically trusted by the “nation’s” representatives. It acquires, without difficulty, half a million new soldiers and half a billion roubles for its current military expenditure; and, in addition, it receives the Duma’s support for its new adventures in the Far East. More than that: by right and left, by the Black Hundreds and the Kadets, it is actually reproached because its foreign policy is not active enough! The logic of events thus drives the government on to the hazardous path of fighting for the restoration of its world prestige. Who knows? Perhaps, before the fate of the autocracy is finally and irrevocably decided in the streets of Petersburg and Warsaw, it will be put to the test once more on the banks of the Amur or the coast of the Black Sea.

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Vincent bought 10.0 books about animals, 1.0 book about outer space, and 3.0 books about trains. He paid $16.0 for all the books combined. What was the average price for 1.0 book? Answer:

What can you get really enthusiastic about?
Knowledge and gaining it. Nothing is more inspiring than new insights and discoveries.
A balmy summer evening, good food with good friends, and a night filled with chat.
Why 1 divided by 7 is exactly 0.142857142857...?

This decimal is rational: 0.12515622210319585788252097839671.....How do I convert it to proper fraction a/b. In other words, what are "a" and "b"? Thanks for help.
Multiply: 7 x 99.142857142857142857142857142857 =694. Then multiply this: 694 x 1.0100864553314121037463976945245 = 701. Since this is the second last multiplication, then this must the NUMERATOR.
Note: This decimal fraction does not repeat its digits for 933 decimal places. Or, Its "period" is 933 digits long.

Please enter minutes (min) value of time unit to convert minutes to months.
How Many Months in a Minute?
There are 2.3148148148148E-5 months in a minute.
1 Minute is equal to 2.3148148148148E-5 Months.
This is a very easy to use minutes to months converter. First of all just type the minutes (min) value in the text field of the conversion form to start converting min to mo, then select the decimals value and finally hit convert button if auto calculation didn't work. Months value will be converted automatically as you type.
The decimals value is the number of digits to be calculated or rounded of the result of minutes to months conversion.
You can also check the minutes to months conversion chart below, or go back to minutes to months converter to top.

Convert 2340 Grams to Pounds (g to lb) with our conversion calculator and conversion tables. To convert 2340 g to lb use direct conversion formula below.
2340 g = 5.1587301587302 lb.
You also can convert 2340 Grams to other Weight (popular) units.

Watching Red Dwarf, fun! Have finally cleared my room, still need to vacuum tho. Have got a new TV! So finally have a TV that works! Wooo lol.
Oh, and 14.285714285714286% of me is a huge nerd! How about you?

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91 nodes (0%) are attached to their parents as flat.
91 instances of flat (100%) are left-to-right (parent precedes child). Average distance between parent and child is 1.46153846153846.
The following 3 pairs of parts of speech are connected with flat: X-X (82; 90% instances), NOUN-X (7; 8% instances), VERB-X (2; 2% instances).

"Jamie’s Mexican Breakfast | Avocado, Egg & Black Beans | Jamie Oliver & The Body Coach"
+ Bahannya adalah tepung terigu, rebon, bawang, garam, kaldu bubuk dan air. Dicampur dan diaduk menjadi adonan lalu digoreng.
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Due to inflation and other factors, prices of goods rise. In a business, you need to know the size of the cost increases of the goods that you use so that you can adjust your prices accordingly. The price increase can be measured as a percentage of the previous price because a $0.50 increase is much more significant when the original price is $1 than when the original price equals $50. To find the cost increase expressed as a percentage, you need to know the original cost and the final cost.
Subtract the original cost from the final cost. For example, if the cost of a part goes up from $5.60 to $6.10, subtract $5.60 from $6.10 to get $0.50.
Divide the cost increase by the original cost. In this example, divide $0.50 by $5.60 to get 0.0892857142857143.
Multiply the Step 2 result by 100 to find the cost increase expressed as a percent. Completing the example, multiply 0.0892857142857143 by 100 to find that the cost increase equals about 8.93 percent.
Kennan, Mark. "How to Calculate Cost Increase by a Percent." Sciencing, https://sciencing.com/calculate-cost-increase-percent-8141844.html. 24 April 2017.

1/7th of a ton or 285.7142857142857 lbs.
To a house in Egypt, given to him 10 years earlier, which he has never seen.
Lawyer Henry H. Barber is replaced by Nathaniel Parker and Gazette reporter Harry Foster becomes Lon Cohen.

0.857142857142886 as a fraction - solution and the full explanation with calculations.
What is 0.857142857142886 as a fraction?
To write 0.857142857142886 as a fraction you have to write 0.857142857142886 as numerator and put 1 as the denominator. Now you multiply numerator and denominator by 10 as long as you get in numerator the whole number.

Convert 238.7 Inches to Miles (in to mile) with our conversion calculator and conversion tables. To convert 238.7 in to mile use direct conversion formula below.
238.7 in = 0.0037673611111111 mile.
You also can convert 238.7 Inches to other Length (popular) units.

Convert 74000 Acres to Square miles (acre to mile2) with our conversion calculator and conversion tables. To convert 74000 acre to mile2 use direct conversion formula below.
74000 acre = 115.62857142857 mile2.
You also can convert 74000 Acres to other Area (popular) units.

Welcome! Here is the answer to the question: 0.11111 decimal to fraction or what is 0.11111 as a fraction. Use the decimal to fraction converter/calculator below to write any decimal number as a fraction.

Convert 15000 Meters to Miles (m to mile) with our conversion calculator and conversion tables. To convert 15000 m to mile use direct conversion formula below.
15000 m = 9.32056788356 mile.
You also can convert 15000 Meters to other Length (popular) units.

First off I want to thank Scott M for supplying us his class file for other people getting started writing a custom application for the TrueRNG in windows. His class file is here, it is also linked on the support tab of the product page.
Second, we wondered what the entropy data would look like if we captured 10 GB of data from the TrueRNG. Well it took awhile, but here are the results using the ent package under Ubuntu.
of this 10737418240 byte file by 0 percent.
Arithmetic mean value of data bytes is 127.5090 (127.5 = random).
Monte Carlo value for Pi is 3.141487003 (error 0.00 percent).
Serial correlation coefficient is 0.000012 (totally uncorrelated = 0.0).
We are really happy with those numbers.
According to the documentation of ENT, a chi-squared percentage of 0.01% is horrible and indicates a definitely non-random sequence. Chi-squared percentages should be between 10 and 90%. The further outside that range you are, the more suspect your generator is.
TrueRNG is a hardware random number generator and has tiny biased in the analog to digital converter. These are extremely small and show up only on very large data tests. They aren’t significant for most purposes. If they are significant for your application then they can be reduced by additional whitening. Since running this test we have improved our whitening algorithm trying to minimize the bias even further and switched to dual generators. We estimate the bias is about 1e-8 bits or so which has near zero effect on the entropy or use for cryptographic purposes.
Also, Saying that it doesn’t mean it isn’t random doesn’t have any meaning without a definition of random, which most of these tests are designed to show the errors in pseudorandom number generators and not necessarily true random number generators.

Please enter square foot (ft²) value of area unit to convert square foot to square yard.
How Many Square Yard in a Square Foot?
There are 0.1111111111 square yard in a square foot.
1 Square Foot is equal to 0.1111111111 Square Yard.
This is a very easy to use square foot to square yard converter. First of all just type the square foot (ft²) value in the text field of the conversion form to start converting ft² to yd², then select the decimals value and finally hit convert button if auto calculation didn't work. Square Yard value will be converted automatically as you type.
The decimals value is the number of digits to be calculated or rounded of the result of square foot to square yard conversion.
You can also check the square foot to square yard conversion chart below, or go back to square foot to square yard converter to top.

Convert 7.03 Inches to Miles (in to mile) with our conversion calculator and conversion tables. To convert 7.03 in to mile use direct conversion formula below.
7.03 in = 0.00011095328282828 mile.
You also can convert 7.03 Inches to other Length (popular) units.

Welcome! Here is the answer to the question: 0.916666 decimal to fraction or what is 0.916666 as a fraction. Use the decimal to fraction converter/calculator below to write any decimal number as a fraction.

Please enter cubic feet (ft³) value of volume unit to convert cubic feet to gallon.
There are 7.4805194805157 gallon in a cubic foot.
1 Cubic Foot is equal to 7.4805194805157 Gallon.
This is a very easy to use cubic feet to gallon converter. First of all just type the cubic feet (ft³) value in the text field of the conversion form to start converting ft³ to gal, then select the decimals value and finally hit convert button if auto calculation didn't work. Gallon value will be converted automatically as you type.
The decimals value is the number of digits to be calculated or rounded of the result of cubic feet to gallon conversion.
You can also check the cubic feet to gallon conversion chart below, or go back to cubic feet to gallon converter to top.