Culture
Cultivation, Commodification and Culture: Maize and Ugali in Kenya
12 min read.We all think of ugali as part and parcel of our food culture. But its origins in the urban diet are to be found in the colonial wage labour system.
Ugali is a stiff porridge made with the flour of one or more milled grains or tubers. The version made from maize flour is a Kenyan staple. Its dominance in the diet starts with the colonial wage labour system and evolves with the changing native versus settler agriculture and the commodification of farm produce. Eventually, it is embedded in the culture following class-stratified consumption patterns.
Setting the stage
The rinderpest epidemic and the cattle lung sickness of the 1880s-90s decimate up to 90 per cent of the livestock in the East and Central Africa region. It is followed a smallpox epidemic in 1892. Then comes the Great East African Famine of 1887-89, caused by drought, a locust invasion and disease. Up to five out of ten people die. It is the dawn of colonial rule in the land that will be soon known as Kenya.
The death of so much livestock and so many people over such a short period of time changes ecosystems, ecologies and food production systems. Some agropastoralist communities become plain agrarians. The crops cultivated include sorghum and millet, maize, beans, sweet potatoes and various other tubers and legumes. Maize had been introduced in the region much earlier—between the 16th and 18th centuries—to feed the Portuguese garrisons at the coast.
The construction of the railway begins, but it gets expensive. It is imperative that the East Africa Protectorate make economic sense. But this is not South Africa. Agriculture will have to do. And thus begin the incentives to bring in settlers.
Maize as compensation: The colonial wage labour system
Settler agriculture is established in the rich agricultural areas or the highlands between 1905 and the 1920s. The original residents are pushed out into the areas of low potential although it is also probable that some of the alienated land has remained unoccupied after close to 50 per cent of the population dies during the Great Famine. Maize, sisal and cotton dominate the settler farms. Annual colonial government reports show a thriving enterprise generating a good income from the export of these crops.
Labour is a big problem. The European cannot figure out how to introduce the African into the formal monetary system, which is how the settler farms will get labour. Perhaps taxes that are to be paid only using currency? Expose the population to aspirational material goods that require money to buy? Coercion maybe? Restrict what crops to cultivate? The colonists end up trying a bit of everything to “motivate” Africans to come out and work on the farms.
The main employers at the time are the settler farms, the railway construction and various public works projects. As part of compensation, the farms feed their employees a daily ration of maize meal, a maize portion or posho, with beans and meat every now and then.
The posho is monotonous to the African who is used to much more variety and seasonality in the diet. It is no surprise that food monotony is a major contention among workers. And by the 1930s the posho ration is replaced by an additional monetary compensation so that the worker can purchase what they prefer to eat.
Posho is monotonous to the African who is used to much more variety and seasonality in the diet.
Labour is increasingly “imported” from other regions. Their land not being suitable for systematic alienation due to climate, the prevalence of sleeping sickness and malaria, Nyanza and Western provinces are the biggest sources of colonial labour. Many from the two provinces go to work outside of their home areas, which explains the early and extensive contact with maize ugali among these communities.
As labour is sought from different parts of the country, maize ugali and restricted diets are slowly introduced to the population at scale. It is now the staple food for labourers and urban residents and it will not be long before it is adopted in the reserves.
Cultivating maize: changing African agriculture
By 1910, maize is dominating African farms in monocropped stands, a significant change from the multiple crops cultivated just 30 years earlier. Among a handful of communities, crops are now cultivated specifically for the market. They are sold to urban dwellers, railway workers and settler farm labourers. So far, high-value agriculture is a preserve of the settlers. It prevents Africans from competing with European farmers for markets, land or labour.
More changes take place between 1914 and 1921: World War I, the Spanish Flu of 1918 and the famine of 1919-21. The war takes young able-bodied men. The flu weakens and kills others. Post-World War I, more settlers—the ex-soldiers—are coming in and need more land for settlement. Maize becomes the go-to crop under these conditions.
Maize requires less labour than the millet and sorghum that are traditionally farmed. It is borne on an enclosed cob, unlike sorghum that is exposed, requiring people—usually children—to chase away birds. Children are in school now and adult males are working in urban centres or on settler farms, or are engaged in the war effort. The kinship that supplied labour to work the land is broken or at risk. Women are solely in charge of food production now. And their plate is full of other responsibilities. Under these conditions, maize is catapulted to a staple crop.
By the 1920s, maize is ground up into flour using hammer mills or posho mills. Milled maize has a time and effort advantage, particularly among urban residents and workers. By now there is a thriving commodity market. Instead of storing surpluses for a rainy day, there is pressure to sell. There are bigger markets for the produce, taxes to be paid and goods to be bought, among other hard currency needs.
The commodification of maize: The inter-war years and the Great Depression
Colonial thought is evolving. Post-1920s, we see a shift to the doctrine of trusteeship and an “African paramountcy” policy, which culminates in the Devonshire Declaration of 1923. The declaration introduces a dual mandate where the colonial government is supposed to invest in both European and African interests. Perhaps the rationale here is that the colony cannot survive solely on settler farm produce. It is imperative to diversify to native produce—and not just its labour—to support the colonial enterprise financially.
The consequences of the ideological shift are immediate; growing interest in African education, agriculture, industry, economy and society. African agriculture gets market-oriented seeds and supposedly better farming technologies. The settlers cultivate a “Flat White” variety of maize favoured by their European markets, different from the denser varieties that the African farmers cultivate. To boost the commercialization of maize, new varieties are introduced to the more “progressive” native farmers.
Instead of the coercion of the earlier decade, the colonial government changes tack. It is called instruction and education to teach farmers “better” agricultural methods. Demonstration farms are set up and agricultural shows organised. A section for native agriculture is established within the Department of Agriculture in 1922. Legislation is enacted to “boost” native agriculture and food security but the effects are a mixed bag. They fail to address the main issues affecting native agriculture, namely, loss of land and labour.
Milled maize has a time and effort advantage, particularly among urban residents and workers.
Despite the low capital investment, production in native agriculture improves significantly in the mid-1920s to 1930s. In 1920, for example, 750,000 bags of maize are produced, and the number grows to 1.387 million bags by the 1930s and to 1.966 million bags by the 1940s. Much of the increase is attributed to increased acreage rather than intensive agriculture. The produce is for local markets as Africans cannot yet access export markets. Due to a growing labour pool in settler estates, expanding urban areas and a growing population, there is a high demand for food supplies including grains such as maize, and meat and vegetables.
Market centres within the reserves act as sites for African entrepreneurship while Indian traders sell the produce outside the districts/reserves. Commercialized native agriculture is driven by female labour, which is important because it helps avert high and direct competition for labour between native and settler farms.
The commodification of farm produce, particularly maize, is complete by the end of the 1920s. The 1929-30 famine is partly blamed on the increased commercialization of farm produce. Most farm produce is sold to the markets leaving little for storage. Depending on incomes, food supplies can now be purchased from regions of plenty and distributed to areas of scarcity. The trend is interrupted when, by 1930, the American Depression affects world market prices.
The Great Depression
The export markets fail as the price of Kenyan produce plummets. Many settlers default on loans as credit had been issued on the basis of highly speculated land value. Some choose to leave the country. Wage employment on settler farms dwindles, and many workers return to the reserves. The state of the balance sheet is precarious, and the debt obligations, including the railway debt, are at risk.
An initial solution is to sell maize (and other produce) from the settler farms on local markets. Maize is sold or purchased to temper the scarcity caused by temporary local disruptions in the food supply. There are wider effects of commodification and commercialization; food supply—and whether traders can source and distribute food supplies from production areas to scarcity areas—becomes a factor of the market
The thriving trade creates a group of wealthy traders, which begins the stratification of the society by class. Growing class differentiation influences who aligns with the colonial institutions that are coming up and determines access to schools, education and investments in agriculture.
Diversification from maize: World War II, environmentalism and agricultural reforms
When World War II breaks out, food sufficiency is of the utmost priority for the Kenyan colony. The Europeans would like to support the war effort with food but shipping infrastructure is engaged, and sourcing cheaply produced maize from Argentina becomes a strategic advantage. But eventually, they do support the Allied troops in the Middle East with maize.
Locally, the demand for food is even higher during the war years. Between 1939 and 1942, the workers who had left during the depression return to urban areas to find employment as soldiers and professionals. Around this time, 55 per cent of adult males from North Kavirondo and 40 per cent from Central Province work outside their reserves, finding employment in civil and military service.
Besides the local population, there are now Italian prisoners of war, Polish refugees and South African soldiers arriving to thwart an expected invasion from Ethiopia. All these people require food in the form of meat, grains and vegetables. The increased demand causes a revamp of agriculture in Kenya, and both the native and the settler make a profit, although the native farmer has to use the black market as we shall see later.
Growing environmentalism
The war had interrupted a growing environmentalism movement, which had begun in 1930s and which picked up again in 1945. The Dust Bowl phenomenon occurring in America in the early 1930s might have shaped the early preoccupation with soil conservation and environmentalism around the world. In Kenya, there had been ongoing concerns about overgrazing and soil erosion, and initial attempts to forcefully reduce livestock numbers, particularly in the Ukambani reserve. Additionally, the colonial government tried to “encourage” Africans to practice mixed cropping instead of monocropping maize, despite it having been practiced well before colonial rule. During the war years, the famine of 1942-43 refocused the earlier concerns about land degradation, soil erosion and overstocking, leading to the implementation of conservation measures as the war ended.
Besides the local population, there are now Italian prisoners of war, Polish refugees and South African soldiers arriving to thwart an expected invasion from Ethiopia.
The conservation measures included the relocation of some populations and communal efforts to implement terracing. The 1946-1955 10-year development plan had a £3 million budget to fund afforestation projects, dam construction and grazing control schemes, among others. None of these efforts had a significant impact, partly because they ignored the underlying causes—the concentration of people, their agriculture and livestock in the less fertile reserves. The population had increased since the reserves had been created without a commensurate increase in land size. Fallowing was less likely to be undertaken, leading to land over-utilization. To this add the issues of land tenure and fragmentation.
Agricultural reforms
The failure of the conservation measures forced the colonial government to open up cash crop cultivation to African farmers. Other factors were at play here: growing political unrest, changing colonial thought and hesitation in addressing land tenure issues. The assumption was that cash crops such as tea and coffee could offer higher value, leading to less land exploitation in high-population areas.
When the State of Emergency was declared, the government was keen to implement agricultural reforms partly because coercion would be much easier. The major land and production reforms encompassed in the Sywnnerton Plan of 1954 consolidated land holdings, commercialized peasant agriculture and diversified production to other crops. Consolidation was possible partly because of the villagization policy of the Emergency years. There were upsides to these reforms—by 1950, African farmers were growing coffee and tea, rice, pineapples, pyrethrum, cotton and sisal in small holdings across the country. However, most of these reforms were implemented in the better-staffed Central Province, and also partly as an effort to smother political agitation around land issues.
Globalization of maize supply: Independence and missed opportunities
At the dawn of independence the land issues had still not been adequately addressed and agricultural production remained fragmented among smallholder farmers. There were efforts to provide land to former squatters and the growing landless class, but a coherent agricultural policy to support commercialized smallholder food production became a missed opportunity.
Maize is still a staple, and when production fails to meet demand, it is sourced from areas of plenty like before. Only that these areas are now international markets. These markets utilize war-time inventions—fertilizer, mechanization and pesticides—to produce cheaply with government subsidies and in enough quantities to flood markets in ways that local produce cannot compete. Some use their excess grains and cereals as foreign policy tools, selling or giving them as food aid to serve their political, economic or military agendas.
The Dust Bowl phenomenon occurring in America in the early 1930s might have shaped the early preoccupation with soil conservation and environmentalism around the world.
More critically, the opportunity to properly address the land and environmental issues of the post-war years, consolidate food production in the country and address the historical inequalities in agricultural investments and reforms is missed. The colonial government focused investments in a small part of the country largely ignoring the rest. Moreover, when they did not understand something like pastoralism or the African way of livestock management, they destroyed it. Post-independence, we missed the opportunity to correct this approach and way of thinking which persists to date.
Maize and famine relief
Before the 1880s, the food systems of many communities were fairly complex. There were multiple production systems and ways of acquiring food including farming and hunting and gathering. Crops were cultivated on multiple parcels of land. In some communities, securing food was gendered; the produce from land parcels belonging to women was used for everyday consumption while that from the men was stored. Storage was critical; some produce was traded, but food stocks were never sold off entirely.
Livestock was kept to supplement the diet or was used for exchange—backup for lean years. As a last resort, communities migrated. Others made use of complex kinships and relationships with neighbouring communities. The pastoralist and agrarian communities had a symbiotic relationship; the Maasai, for example, relied on their crop-cultivating neighbours to exchange cattle for food. At the very least, these food systems ensured that famine would not become a mass death event.
The loss of land and labour forced the cultivation of maize as a cash crop and supported its conversion to a staple, away from the millet, sorghum and beans of earlier years. The 1917-18 famine resulted from multiple factors including changing labour and societal relations. But by the 1929-30 famine, the commodification of food production is both a cause of and a solution to famine.
In the American Depression years, settlers were also offloading their maize to the local markets where there was temporary scarcity. During the World War II years, African farmers were at their peak in the production of maize and other food crops. However, the introduction of a maize control board that offered KSh13 per bag of maize to the European and only KSh6 to the native farmer forced the latter to trade in the black market.
Storage was critical; some produce was traded, but food stocks were never sold off entirely.
During the famine of 1942, one of the worst to hit the Ukambani reserve, purchasing food saved the region from mass death events. The community had remittances from those who had been recruited as soldiers in the Second World War. The Kikuyu and Nyanza regions also suffered the famine, partly because their food supplies were sold off. However, when drought and locusts hit, these regions had no immediate cushion against starvation.
The famine response trends persisted post-independence as is evident during the 1984-5 famine. The famine of 1984, one of the worst in the Horn of Africa, was perhaps of similar historical significance as the Great Famine a century earlier. It was preceded by three consecutive years of failed rains. By 1984, the population was just shy of 20 million, and maize comprised 40 per cent of the national diet. The government had to import yellow maize, distributing it through commercial channels, with food aid coming in later.
Due to the scale of the famine, whatever community, if any, remained untouched by the wage labour system, the earlier famines and the maize-first production systems, then became introduced to maize as a staple during the famine of ’84.
Ugali and culture today
The position that maize occupies in the national diet can be attributed to ugali and to processing capabilities. Processing changes farm produce into food by giving it multiple functions and uses in the kitchen and on the table. Processing methods such as milling or dehulling address the consumer needs for convenience, perceived variety and ease of preparation.
Pre-colonial era processing of maize into flour was by stone or by using a mortar and pestle. The end product was coarse flour used to make porridge or fragmented maize grains for making gruel or grits. The pre-colonial varieties of maize are malleable to these home processing technologies.
The famine of 1984, one of the worst in the Horn of Africa, was perhaps of similar historical significance as the Great Famine a century earlier.
Modern milling technologies produce more refined, sweeter and whiter maize flour and can work with the newer maize varieties. The cooking process is faster and easier, suitable for the worker who is preparing a quick meal to get back to work, and for the urban dweller who does not have the time, cooking fuel or space to home process maize.
Ugali also has affordable and accessible pairings. These can be as simple as vegetables, as diverse as milk or other beverages and as complex as meat or legumes. This is an ideal situation for one with limited resources such as the worker or the urban dweller. The mainstreaming of ugali in the food culture starts in urban areas and in other areas of employment. It is an “away from home” food, something to live on before you travel back home for better. Bear in mind that, historically and culturally, urban areas are places in which to live as you work. But home, actual or perceived, is elsewhere in the rural areas.
These dietary habits and preferences find their way to the reserves, perhaps during the lean years and in times of famines, as an “until it gets better” food. One generation after the other experience it. And soon enough we all think of ugali as part and parcel of our food culture. But its origins in the urban diet and in the wage labour system are never quite erased; there are class differences in its consumption patterns that are observable to date.
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Culture
The Editorial Cartoon and Political Change in Kenya
Paul “Maddo” Kelemba’s was the editorial cartoon that redefined the state-media relations and broke the myths that had been developed by state agencies about the presidency and freedom of expression.
In Kenya, editorial cartoons have without a doubt been the solid foundation upon which comics have grown and been widely appreciated. Editorial cartoons are a main feature for many newspapers and magazines and, in fact, many readers first go to the day’s editorial cartoon before reading the rest of the paper.
Editorial cartoons, also often referred to as political cartoons, are defined “as illustrations or comic strips containing a political or social message that usually relates to current events or personalities. Political cartoons can be very funny, especially if you understand the issue that they’re commenting on. Their main purpose, though, is not to amuse you but to persuade you. A good political cartoon makes you think about current events, but it also tries to sway your opinion toward the cartoonist’s point of view.”
This definition holds for Kenya where editorial cartoons have provided effective political commentary from the Terry Hirst days in the 1970s right down to the present-day with cartoonists Gado (previously in the Daily Nation and The East African and currently in The Standard), Victor “Vic” Ndula (The Star), Stanslaus “Stano” Olonde (The People Daily and previously Taifa Leo), Samuel “Igah” Muigai (Taifa Leo) and Munene Michael (Daily Nation). Gado’s editorial cartoons are syndicated and he is also a regular contributor to other international newspapers including Deutsch Welle (Germany), New African (UK), Courrier International (France), Business Day and Sunday Tribune (SA).
Others who have over time—the 1980s, 90s…—left their mark as astute editorial cartoonists are Paul “Maddo” Kelemba (Daily Nation and The Standard), the late Frank Odoi (Daily Nation, The Standard and numerous international publications), James “Kham” Kamawira (Kenya Times, Nairobi Weekly Chronicles, The Standard), the late Joshua Nanjero (Kenya Times, Weekend Mail, Sudan Mirror, Sunday Express), Celeste (The People Daily), Eric “Gammz” Ngammau (The Nairobian, The Standard), Bill Okutoyi (The Standard), Patrick Gathara (Daily Nation, The Star), David “Tum” Kiptum (Kenya Times) and David “Mwalimu” Karogo (The People Daily).
As editorial cartoonists, all these artists have contributed significantly to raising political awareness in the country and to the political reforms that have taken place. They have created illustrations or comic strips that carry political or social messages about defining moments in the country’s history that have resonated with Kenyans, illuminating the country’s social-economic-political issues with humour and in a way that is easily understood.
The late Terry Hirst made his mark in the 1970s with his column Hirst on Friday and later through his lead character Joe in Joe magazine. “The marketing department of the Nation group invited me to be the first editorial cartoonist on the Daily Nation and Hirst on Friday became beneficial to the paper, as subsequent surveys showed,” Terry Hirst told Kymsnet. “But in those days, the newspapers were still working out their relationships with politicians and commerce and it was difficult to always be sure of ‘the party line’ from editorial. At first, they even tried to change my captions, without reference to me, until I protested vehemently about independence. In the end we compromised, with me leaving mild ‘joke’ drawings in advance, in case they felt unable, or unwilling, to use the current drawing.”
Political cartoons have, “according to the 2007 documentary The Political Dr. Seuss, ‘taken their place on the page and screen as valid outlets for expressing political thought, championing activism and affecting social change through creative use of visual art.’” Today, political cartoons can be found in newspapers, magazines, in the opinion and cartoon pages—practically everywhere you look.
This is particularly true in Kenya in relation to the political upheavals that followed in the wake of the failed military coup d’état of August 1982. Even before this, however, there was discontent with the political establishment, hence the uneasy relationship between the press and politicians alluded to by Terry Hirst. This disquiet started almost immediately after independence when retrogressive amendments were introduced into the independence constitution. These changes were made amidst unexplained political assassinations, corruption, nepotism, favouritism, marginalisation of communities and even individuals. The amendments significantly changed the political landscape and discourse.
However, things took a turn for the worse following the attempted coup, with civil and political liberties tested to the limit in the 80s and 90s and even after we ushered in new millennium. During this time, the country became a single-party dictatorship and this did not only ensure a shrinking of the political space but civil liberties and freedoms such as freedom of association, freedom of information, freedom of expression, etc., were also grossly curtailed.
This disquiet started almost immediately after independence when retrogressive amendments were introduced into the independence constitution.
When citizens started to agitate for greater freedom and reforms, the media added its voice to this drive, with editorial cartoons carrying political or social messages that aptly captured the political mood.
Speaking to Kymsnet, Paul “Maddo” Kelemba, then working for the Nation Media Group, said, “As a young cartoonist with fire burning inside me, I really wanted to splatter out all over the place what was in my mind but of course, not much would have gotten past the editors of the time. Besides, one had to be extremely careful too. I tried to be cunning and hide some messages in my work in an effort to beat the editor first and then the state agents second.”
Maddo told how writers, journalists, cartoonists, etc., would be given copies of the “seditious” Mwakenya publication by the notorious Special Branch agents who would then gauge one’s reaction. If you kept quiet, they knew you were “sympathetic” to the “dissidents” and they would zero in on you. Many journalists like the late Wahome Mutahi—also known as Whispers and a close friend of Maddo—were arrested right under their colleagues’ noses at the Old Nation House.
This didn’t deter them. As the agitation grew and citizens became more emboldened, cartoonists also took the cue. In the early 1990s, Maddo did the unexpected when he caricatured the then president in an editorial cartoon that also appeared on the cover page of Society magazine, a pro-reform publication that was critical of the regime. This was unprecedented. Journalists, academics, politicians, student leaders, trade unionists and activists had been arrested and detained without trial for far lesser “crimes” and everyone expected the worst to happen.
“My cartoon of then President Moi was the first to be openly published and it was a gamble worth taking. But let’s set the record straight,” Maddo told Kymsnet, “I was not the first to cast President Moi as a cartoon character. University of Nairobi students beat me to it in the early ’80s, albeit their graffiti did not go beyond the pedestrian tunnel near the campus.”
Maddo added: “The editor, Pius Nyamora—at Society which published the cartoon—and I were in agreement that we should test the waters. It was an elaborate, full colour and bang on the cover, accusing President Moi of being unfair to his 1992 polls opponents by putting hurdles in their way. His opponents then included the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Kenneth Matiba, Mwai Kibaki who would later become the third president of Kenya, and others.”
Journalists, academics, politicians, student leaders, trade unionists and activists had been arrested and detained without trial for far lesser “crimes”.
“The magazine used to hit the streets on Mondays and this edition arrived to the sheer excitement of some and utter shock of others,” said Maddo, recalling the events of the day the cartoon was published. “Some people were apprehensive about purchasing a copy for one could be arrested for carrying a “seditious publication”. That day, Nyamora, who had been petrol-bombed before, didn’t turn up in the office. I waited patiently at the Standard’s offices on Likoni Road. Nothing. There wasn’t a ranting Moi or a chorus of condemnation from his lieutenants and no state security agents seeking out the editor, his cartoonist and printer. Neither did the agents go around buying all the copies like they had done before with publications they considered to have acrid content.”
“As I painted that cartoon, I had no doubts that we were on the threshold of Moi’s final years of absolute political control. I was so convinced that he’d lose at the first multi-party polls,” Maddo reminisced. “If I was locked up, it wouldn’t be long before I was free again. But I also considered the other side. I had tried to convince my then editor at the Standard, Ali Hafidh, that we could start caricaturing the hitherto untouchable elements of the Kanu regime but he would hear none of it. I did, however, slowly introduce Moi into my editorial cartoons under disguise. I had always figured out one thing: maybe Moi was not all that overly hostile to cartoons. The stumbling blocks were the editors and Moi’s cronies who probably blacked out critical stories in a newspaper before giving it to him. Having survived that Monday, the media, Kenyans and Kanu knew that Moi could be depicted in a cartoon. Daily Nation’s Gado, freshly on the job, took cue and went on to produce some of the most stinging cartoons on the then president.”
Maddo’s was the editorial cartoon that redefined the state-media relations and broke the myths that had been developed by state agencies about the presidency and freedom of expression. In subsequent years, editorial cartoonists continued to raise the bar, endearing themselves to Kenyans in the process as they raised pertinent issues affecting the society.
According to the Ohio State University’s History Teaching Institute, “a good cartoon is one that combines a clear drawing and good writing, expresses a recognizable point of view or opinion and cannot be read or understood by only looking at the words or only looking at the picture. Both the words and the pictures must be read together in order to understand the cartoonist’s message. They further note that not all editorial cartoons are meant to be funny. Some of the most effective editorial cartoons are not humorous at all. Humour is only one tool available to editorial cartoonists.”
Cartoonists also use various other devices to get their message across. Some of these devices include the use of “symbols (simple pictures that are understood to stand in for ideas or groups); caricatures (drawing of a person that exaggerates his characteristics for comic effect); stereotypes (generalization, usually exaggerated or oversimplified and often offensive, that is used to describe or distinguish a group); analogies (comparisons—this thing is like the other thing); juxtaposition (positioning people or things side by side); irony (use of words to convey a meaning that is the opposite of its literal meaning, an outcome of events contrary to what was expected); captioning and labels (used for clarity and emphasis).”
Kenyan editorial cartoonists have used all these devices and styles to bring societal issues to the fore and, more importantly, to bring more people to appreciate the power of comics as a tool of communication and education. They have employed these devices to eloquently and boldly speak on the peoples’ behalf. Most editorial cartoons are derived from news and events from around the country and in this way they resonate with the people. However, in a country saturated with politics, political issues tend to dominate the content of editorial cartoons.
Not all editorial cartoons are meant to be funny. Some of the most effective editorial cartoons are not humorous at all.
Quoting Prof Levi Obonyo’s PhD dissertation on Kenyan cartooning, Drawing the Line—a publication of the East African Cartoonists’ Society (KATUNI)—writes: “Cartoons have served as commentaries on political issues, a synthesised rendition of the … news, and a depiction of the socio-economic condition of the society. The public perceives cartoonists as fearless and objective, if humorous, commentators on the behaviour of hitherto untouchable politicians. Their use of pennames, such as Gado and Maddo, may insulate them from accusations of ethnic bias.”
Great strides have been made but editorial cartoonists still face some daunting challenges particularly from the political elite who continue to be the subject of their stinging political commentary. The Constitution of Kenya (2010) has an elaborate and comprehensive Bill of Rights that protects cartoonists but freedom of expression remains a challenge for cartoonists, some of whom, in extreme cases, have ended up losing their jobs. Maddo sums it up in this quote:
“Politicians have continued to notice my work more and more. Some respect it, others pour scorn on it. I cherish both opinions. Incredulously, while we cartoonists struggled to bash politicians in the Kanu era, we’ve found criticizing today’s political leaders tricky because they always rush to court. It’s a bit like they are the ones who are supposed to be the sole beneficiaries of today’s freedoms. They have discovered that they can sue. Kenya’s media along with civil society was at the forefront of fighting for reforms. The ruling class, which is largely a disguised Kanu, wants to deny this. Unfortunately, too, there is no difference between politicians from both the ruling and opposition side the divide.”
Culture
Hip-hop: Bridging the Gap Between Generation Alpha and Millennials
Family movies are blending the musical tastes of millennial parents with those of their Generation Alpha children and there is a parenting tool to exploit right there.
Earlier this week, Can I Kick It? came on the radio and as soon as it began, our son Mo* responded.
“Yes you can!” he chimed.
My jaw dropped so hard our neighbours came knocking.
Mo turned seven in January this year and there he was confidently singing along to a song that was released in October 1990 when I was just 10 years old.
“Where did you hear that song?” I asked him.
“In the movie Tom & Jerry.”
He went searching for the movie soundtrack, his little hands deftly navigating our Firestick remote as he explained, wondered out loud, pressed buttons, wrapping it all up with his signature remark, “Let me show you.”
Soon we were watching pigeons lip-synching to the rap song by the American hip-hop group A Tribe Called Quest, one of hip-hop’s enduring acts from the 1990s. Released in October 1990 as the third single from their debut album, People’s Instinctive Travels and the Paths of Rhythm, the song became one of the group’s greatest hits and has been ranked among The 250 Best Songs of the 1990s.
That was an apple-falling moment for me. Yet it wasn’t the first time I was hearing a 90s hip-hop song playing as a soundtrack to a children’s animation or family movie.
Blending musical tastes
I had begun to notice how, in recent times, the animations and family movies we watch with our kids during our Friday movie nights have a tirade of songs that were the soundtrack to my teen years. In recent years, family movies have started incorporating popular music into their soundtracks to appeal to both parents and children. As a result, we are seeing a blending of musical tastes between millennial parents (those born in the late 70s and 80s) and their Gen Alpha children (those born after 2010).
While this departure by animation companies such as DreamWorks, Disney et al from using orchestral music has taken place over the last two decades, it was the movie series Shrek that pioneered the integration of pop music as the soundtrack to animated films:
“Shrek introduced a new element to give the film a unique feel. The film used pop music and other Oldies to make the story more forward. Covers of songs like “On the Road Again” and “Try a Little Tenderness” were integrated in the film’s score. The band Smash Mouth‘s song “All Star” gained massive popularity due to its usage in the film’s opening credits. As the film was about to be completed, Katzenberg suggested to the filmmakers to redo the film’s ending to “go out with a big laugh”; instead of ending the film with just a storybook closing over Shrek and Fiona as they ride off into the sunset, they decided to add a song “I’m a Believer” covered by Smash Mouth and show all the fairytale creatures in the film.”
In 2002, the green ogre movie made history at the box office by grossing over US$491 million and at the 74th Oscar Academy Awards by winning the debut Best Animated Feature category. This was epochal for animated movies.
From then on, that winning formula has completely transformed how animation films—once the preserve of children and considered too kiddish for adults—are marketed and watched.
Nowadays, animated films are family movies.
The evolution of rap music as a soundtrack to animated films
Whereas, since Shrek, movie soundtracks have been drawn mainly from pop music and oldies, what I have been noticing with the current crop of animated films—from The Secret Life of Pets to Angry Birds, to Trolls to Turbo and a host of others—is the increasing use of rap music in animated film scores.
Take The Secret Life of Pets 2, a 2009 computer-animated comedy film produced by Illumination. The soundtrack includes Empire State Of Mind by Jay-Z featuring Alicia Keys, Fantastic Voyage by Coolio and Ante Up (Robbin Hoodz Theory) by M.O.P. (How they were able to come up with a clean version of this song is still beyond me. If you don’t believe me, go on and listen to the original then let’s compare notes. )
It was the movie series Shrek that pioneered the integration of pop music as the soundtrack to animated films.
What truly intrigued me, so much so that it prompted this article, was how rap music has gone from being a genre so abhorred by parents in the 80s and 90s for its profanity that rap CDs had to have Parental Advisory stickers on them, to how far animation production companies are pushing the envelope as they cast their target audience net wide to capture millennial parents.
And it’s not just the music that has suddenly become a cultural phenomenon and a barometer of how cool an animated movie is to warrant the eyeballs of both adults and children; it’s the voice-over actors as well. I never thought I’d live to see the day when Snoop Dogg and Ice Cube would lend their voices to an animation film.
As someone who grew up in the golden age of hip-hop, rap music sure has come a long way in the public consciousness and what is “acceptable” for our children’s ears. But “I ain’t mad at Cha!” animation companies, to quote the words of the great philosopher, poet and rap legend Tupac.
I can attest to how effective the use of rap-animated film scores has become; my old-school hits from the 90s and early 2000s are making a comeback and taking on a whole new meaning during movie nights in our home.
One of the most significant benefits of this trend is the ability for parents and children to sing along to the same songs. This shared experience creates a connection and helps to bridge the generation gap. When families can sing and dance together, it creates a bond that is hard to break. For example, the songs That’s the Sound of the Police! from Angry Birds and ATCQ’s Can I Kick It? have become favourites in our family. The catchy tune and upbeat tempo are perfect for dancing and singing along to.
A Tribe Called Quest has played a significant role in demonstrating the versatility of this art form while at the same time dispelling the notion that rap has to be profane or misogynistic to sell. Together with De La Soul, A Tribe Called Quest were among the pioneers of conscious rap and whose music brought them mainstream success.
All this came back to me as we watched the Tom & Jerry animated film and our children learned the song for the first time.
Such moments have been recurring often.
While our daughters and I were washing the car a few weeks ago, the song Runnin’ (Can’t Keep Running Away) came on. As soon as the song began, our 10-year-old daughter Neema* began singing along cheerfully, her head bopping to the beat as she enthusiastically wiped the car seats. I dropped my teeth. Clearly, Neema was not hearing this for the first, second or third time; she knew the chorus, word for word.
Runnin’ is a song by the hip-hop group Pharcyde produced by J Dilla. It was released in 1995.
Then Neema shouted over the music blasting out of our bluetooth speakerphone: “Mum that is the song that was in Tag”. She didn’t wait for me to ask what Tag was before going on tell me about the movie and how it follows a group of kids who suddenly become adults but are still playing the game of tag.
My old-school hits from the 90s and early 2000s are making a comeback and taking on a whole new meaning during movie nights in our home.
And she was not done yet. “Mum,” she continued “ that guy is also the one who has sung the song A Lovely Day in the movie The Secret Life of Pets.”
You should have seen us as we rapped to the beat.
Using rap to teach life lessons
As a millennial parent bringing up a generation of children that learn to hack your phone password before they have even learned their ABCs, I have learnt (the hard way ) that I can’t use my mum’s parenting handbook. Instilling life lessons has not been any different.
Music is something that my husband Richard discovered is a great way of creating bonds with our children. Beyond letting our musical tastes rub off on our children, music has become an effective tool in imparting our own philosophies and values.
Richard and I are hip-hop heads—on some of our dates we would walk from downtown to the British Council parking lot in Upper Hill for the monthly WAPI-Words And Pictures hip-hop gig that Buddha Blaze & Muki began back in early 2000.
Three children later, and in our quest to find creative ways to our parenting, we found ourselves naturally gravitating towards music. We’ve always been careful not to expose our young ones to rap music’s underbelly—the profanity and the misogyny. It’s been an extreme sport that, with time, has enabled us to bond over the poetic and creative aspects that make hip-hop music such a unique and loved art form. Now there is always that earworm that the children first heard in an animation film to add to the soundtrack of our family life.
The song Until We Rich by rappers Ice Cube and Krayzie Bone is our current household anthem. It recently dislodged I Know I Can by Nas that followed Ms Jackson by Outkast. While these songs have not scored any animation, they resonate with our children and we have used them to teach such lessons as knowing your passion—“Getting your grind right”, keeping your focus on the things you want, “always being on the mission to get what you don’t got”—and the importance of not giving up; “The struggle it don’t stop until we drop”. Our favourite line is “But the best thing in life is health, be yourself playa”, which emphasizes gratitude for the little things in life and the importance of being authentic.
As soon as the song began, our 10-year-old daughter Neema began singing along cheerfully, her head bopping to the beat as she enthusiastically wiped the car seats.
I know I Can, one of the most laid-back songs and one that Nas wrote specifically for children, is a great anthem loaded with words of self-affirmation, caution against drugs and keeping the wrong company, lessons on Afrocentrism and black pride and the importance of learning how to read and write. He mentions Timbuktu and Kush about which they are being taught in their history lessons.
And so, as millennial parents, perhaps we need not look too far as we throw out every parenting tool in our parent’s toolbox that the digital age has rendered inadequate.
The next time you are hurdled together in front of the TV or the big screen watching the latest animated film and a familiar tune from your teen years comes on, whether Old School Hip Hop, RnB, 60s or 70s Motown, make it a thing. Sing and dance along together. Reminisce, share how old you were when the song first came out and what memories it evokes. And if the song carries gems of life, lessons of value, find light-hearted ways of discussing the lyrics.
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*Names have been changed
Culture
The Rise And Rise of Basketball in Africa: From Grassroots to Pros
The growth of basketball in Africa is good news for the game. It is also good news for Africa. Basketball is a unifying force, and it can help to promote peace and understanding on the continent.
Cameroonian-born Philadelphia 76ers centre Joel Embiid won his first NBA Most Valuable Player (MVP) award on 3 May 2023, beating Giannis Antetokounmpo (born in Greece of Nigerian parents) and Nikola Jokić . Embiid, also known as “The Process”, has led the 76ers to an NBA playoff semi-final against the Boston Celtics, where they’re competing for the Eastern Conference title. He’s a six-time All-Star and was the first international player to win an NBA scoring title, averaging 30.6 points per game. Embiid took up basketball after being recruited by Luc Mba a Moute (former NBA player, now scout and manager), and flew to the US from high school to join the NBA.
Embiid’s award is a major accomplishment for Africa, and it affirms the growth of the game on the continent. In recent years, there has been a surge in the popularity of basketball in Africa, and more and more African players are making their mark on the NBA. Embiid is just one example of the many talented African players who are now playing at the highest level of the game.
Homage to Africa
In February this year the NBA showcased an All-African ensemble during its halftime show featuring some of Nigeria’s biggest music acts like Grammy-award winner Burna Boy, Tems (2023 Grammy Award winner), and Rema. The theme paid homage to African players in the league, reflecting the growing popularity of basketball on the continent, considered by the FIBA and the NBA as the last frontier for the sport.
In the same month, South Sudan’s men’s basketball team led by former NBA star Luol Deng became the first African team to qualify for the FIBA World Cup, beating Senegal in their final qualifying game. With a rich basketball heritage, both locally and internationally, South Sudan’s team The Bright Stars has combined its talents to become an emerging powerhouse in East Africa, demonstrating the results of focus, determination, and grit for a national team.
The game of basketball has increasingly become popular in Africa with more kids playing from a young age. This is through schools’ tournaments at primary and higher learning institutions across the region. As of writing this piece, NBA has developed the NBA Junior programme targeting younger players in different countries in Africa. The expansion by the International Federation of Basketball (FIBA) and the NBA counts Africa as the last frontier of the game—both in terms of player development and also in terms of market and audience for the game.
History of basketball in Africa
Basketball began to spread across Africa in the mid-20th century, particularly in countries that had been colonized by France—such as Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal. Missionaries and administrators introduced the game to the rest of the continent and soon African countries were competing in international tournaments. The Pharaohs of Egypt joined FIBA in 1934 and represented Africa in the 1937 Eurobasket tournament in Latvia. The first recorded international game in Africa was between the American and Egyptian teams in 1949, the same year that Egypt hosted and won the Eurobasket49 tournament against European basketball powerhouses Greece and Turkey.
As African countries gained independence in the late 1950s and early 1960s, they looked to integrate with the global community. In June 1961, 12 African countries founded the Association des Fédérations Africaines de Basketball (AFABA) at the Consultative General Assembly held in Cairo, Egypt. AFABA became the umbrella body for the game of basketball on the continent, and Abdel Moneim Wahby, a former player, referee, and administrator in the Egyptian Basketball Federation, was elected as its first president. The Afrobasket tournament was born in 1962 under AFABA, serving not only as a competition but also as qualification for both the Olympic Games and the FIBA World Cup.
In the 1980s and 1990s, basketball continued to grow in Africa, with more countries participating in international competitions and more African players competing in the NBA. The African Basketball Confederation was established in 1989 to further promote the sport on the continent. Nigerian-born Hakeem Olajuwon was drafted by the Houston Rockets in 1984, along with future Hall of Famers Michael Jordan and Charles Barkley. Olajuwon won two NBA championships and MVPs in 1994-1995 and had the popular “Dream Shake” movement under the basket. Sudan (before South Sudan’s independence) also produced Manute Bol—at 7 feet 7 inches one of the tallest basketball players ever—who ended up with more blocked shots than points.
The Afrobasket tournament was born in 1962 under AFABA, serving not only as a competition but also as qualification for both the Olympic Games and the FIBA World Cup.
Playing on the defensive side of the game was Congolese-born Dikembe Mutombo who was in the game between the 1980s and the early 2000s. He was part of the pioneering African players in the NBA and continues to support the expansion of the game in Congo DRC and the rest of Africa.
In 1995, the top brass at AFABA resolved to revamp the association to reflect the changing nature of the game; it had grown to over fifty members from an initial membership of twelve member countries. A new Secretary-General, Alphonse Bile from Cote d’Ivoire, was elected in 2002 with the mandate of modernizing the organization. This started with a change in name from AFABA to FIBA Africa. The body also divided the member countries into 7 Zones—with the smallest, Zone 1, comprising four country members and the largest, Zone 5, having 11 countries.
Grassroots development of the hoops
The game of basketball has been growing in popularity in Africa for many years, and there are now a number of grassroots initiatives that are helping to develop the sport on the continent.
One of the most important of these initiatives is Basketball Without Borders (BWB), a program that was launched by the NBA and FIBA in 2001. BWB brings together top young basketball players from around the world for training camps, where they can learn from NBA players and coaches. The program has helped to develop some of the best basketball players in Africa, including Joel Embiid, Pascal Siakam, and Luc Mba a Moute.
Another important initiative is Giants for Africa, a project that was launched by Masai Ujiri, the first African president of an NBA team (the Toronto Raptors). Giants for Africa is building 100 basketball courts across Africa in an effort to improve access to the sport and encourage more young people to play.
The game of basketball has been growing in popularity in Africa for many years, and there are now a number of grassroots initiatives that are helping to develop the sport on the continent.
In addition to these major initiatives, there are a number of smaller grassroots organizations that are working to develop basketball in Africa. These organizations provide training, equipment, and other resources to young players, and they help to organize tournaments and leagues.
The growth of basketball in Africa is a positive development for the sport. It is helping to create new opportunities for young people, and it is also helping to promote peace and understanding across the continent. Here are some additional details about the initiatives mentioned above:
Basketball Without Borders (BWB) has held camps in 30 countries around the world, including 10 in Africa. The program has helped to develop over 500 players who have gone on to play professionally, including 15 NBA players including current NBA MVP Joel Embiid, Pascal Siakam (2019 NBA Playoffs winner), Luc Mba a Moute, Moussa Diabate to name but a few.
Giants for Africa has built 50 basketball courts in Africa so far, with plans to build 50 more. The organization has also provided training and equipment to over 10,000 young players.
Grassroots Africa Basketball which provides training and equipment to young players in Nigeria. The organization has helped to develop over 1,000 players.
Power Forward Programme: Power Forward Programme provides training and equipment to young players in Nigeria. The organization has helped to develop over 150,000 players.
Hoops Dreams Africa provides training and equipment to young players in Southern Africa. The organization has helped to develop over 10,000 players.
These are just a few of the many grassroots initiatives that are helping to develop basketball in Africa. The growth of the sport in Africa is a positive development for the continent, and it is sure to continue in the years to come.
In 2022, a record eight players of African origin were selected in the NBA Draft. This is a testament to the growth of the game in Africa, and it is a sign that the continent is producing some of the best basketball players in the world. As the game continues to grow in Africa, it is likely that we will see even more talented players from the continent make their mark on the NBA in the years to come. Currently there are over 70 players either born in Africa or born of parents of African origin: Nigeria has 30 players, Senegal 12, Cameroon 6, and the Democratic Republic of Congo 5, to mention but those.,
African basketball leagues
Basketball is booming in Africa and the continent is home to some of the fastest-growing basketball leagues in the world, its players increasingly making their mark on the NBA.
In Angola, the Angolan Basketball League is one of the strongest and most competitive in Africa. The league is home to several top teams, including Primeiro de Agosto, Petro de Luanda, and Recreativo do Libolo. In Egypt, the Egyptian Basketball League is another strong league. The league is home to several top teams, including Al Ahly, Zamalek, and Al Ittihad. In Senegal, the Nationale 1 Masculin is the top men’s basketball league. The league is home to several top teams, including AS Douanes and ASFA. In Uganda, the National Basketball League is one of the fastest-growing leagues in Africa. The league is home to several top teams, including City Oilers and Falcons.
All these teams regularly compete for domestic and continental titles, and they have also produced a number of NBA players, including Alaa Abdelnaby of Egypt, Carlos Morais of Angola and Gorgui Dieng of £Senegal.
In South Africa, the Basketball National League is the top men’s basketball league. The league is home to several top teams, including Cape Town Tigers and Jozi Sonics. These teams regularly compete for domestic titles, and they have produced several NBA players, including Thabo Sefolosha. Thanks to its local media partner SuperSport, it has enjoyed consistent media coverage, complimenting the NBA’s viewership on ESPN and other terrestrial media. In 2015, the country hosted the first NBA exhibition game pitting an All-Star Team Africa vs Team World.
Morocco and Tunisia also have well-developed basketball leagues. These leagues are home to several top teams, and they have produced several NBA players, including Salah Mejri and Radhouane Boualga.
The continent is home to some of the fastest-growing basketball leagues in the world, its players increasingly making their mark on the NBA.
With the increasing popularity of the NBA in Africa, the growth of basketball in Africa continues apace. The NBA has been broadcasting games in Africa for several years, and the league has also held several exhibition games on the continent, helping to raise the profile of basketball in Africa and inspiring young people to play the game.
Another factor that has contributed to the growth of basketball in Africa is the development of local leagues that provide young players with the opportunity to develop their skills and to compete against top players. As the local leagues have improved, so too has the quality of African players.
Basketball Africa League comes alive
In 2019, FIBA and the NBA announced the launch of the Basketball Africa League (BAL). The League features 12 teams from 10 countries, with a qualifying round of 32 countries pre-tournament. It operates under the NBA Africa as a subsidiary of the NBA, along with private investors such as former US President Barack Obama, Nigerian businessman, Babatunde “Tunde” Folawiyo, Helios Fairfax Partners Corporation (HFP) and former players such as Dikembe Mutombo, Junior Bridgeman, Luol Deng, Grant Hill, Joakim Noah and Ian Mahinmi.
The NBA named Amadou Gallou Fall as its inaugural president. His association with the game is long-standing; the Senegalese native joined the NBA in 2010, opening the league’s first office in Johannesburg, South Africa. He has worked on many initiatives and directed the NBA’s grassroots basketball development and partnerships with marketing, media and consumer product companies in Africa. They include the Junior NBA, Basketball Without Borders (BWB) Africa and The NBA Academy Africa.
Back to the BAL: 2023 will be its third season providing a platform for African players to showcase their skills and helping to raise the profile of basketball in Africa. It also gives scouts from other leagues across the world an opportunity to view and recruit talent.
The league has also created new opportunities for coaches, referees, and other basketball professionals on the continent. The BAL has plans to expand in the coming years, with the goal of eventually having teams from all over Africa competing in the league.
The NBA is also considering holding pre-season games in an African city with plans coming forward as early as 2024.
Future of the game?
The continent is home to a growing number of talented players, and the game is becoming increasingly popular. One factor is the increasing availability of basketball infrastructure. More and more basketball courts and gyms are being built across the continent, and this is providing young people with the opportunity to play the game.
Another factor that is contributing to the growth of basketball in Africa is the increasing popularity of the game on television. Basketball games are being broadcast across the continent, and this is exposing more people to the game.
The league has also created new opportunities for coaches, referees, and other basketball professionals on the continent.
The growth of basketball in Africa is also being driven by the success of African players in international competitions. In recent years, African teams have won several medals at the FIBA Africa Championship and the FIBA AfroBasket Women. This success is inspiring young people to play the game, and it is helping to raise the profile of basketball in Africa.
The NBA has taken notice of the potential in Africa, and the league has made a number of investments in the continent in recent years, helping to raise the profile of basketball in Africa and inspiring young people to play the game. As the game continues to grow in Africa, it is likely that we will see more and more talented players from the continent make their mark on the NBA.
With the initiatives above coalescing and the success of the players in developed leagues, the dream of realising professionally run federations and clubs draws closer. As NBA Senior VP Kim Bohuny says: “Africa has a very bright future, without question… The talent is here and now what we’re doing is trying to help these players get the experience to become better players to see a pathway for a future in the game.”
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