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LIST: Critical issues Marcos Jr. did not address in his SONA
Published on Jul 28, 2025
Last Updated on Jul 28, 2025 at 9:47 pm

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MANILA – Promises and so-called achievements filled the one hour and eleven minutes speech of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. in the fourth State of the Nation Address (SONA) on July 28, Monday. For the multi-sectoral formation Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan), his speech was “all bark but no bite.”

“Marcos castigated officials responsible for faulty, corruption-tainted flood control projects while receiving a standing ovation from lawmakers and officials who were likely responsible for the same faulty, corruption-tainted flood control projects,” said Renato Reyes Jr., president of Bayan.

In his speech, Marcos Jr. said that officials should be held accountable for the ghost projects. “The people need to know the whole truth, and there has to be accountability for corruption and damage (referring to flood control projects),” he said.

This tough talk, Reyes said, ignores the most crucial corruption issue in the country today: the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte and the abuse of confidential funds.

  1. Impeachment and abuse of confidential funds

Marcos Jr. failed to mention about the impeachment of Duterte, who is being accused of committing “gross abuse of discretionary powers” over the ?612.5 million confidential funds of the Office of the Vice President and the Department of Education. It has also been established in the House hearings that Duterte spent confidential funds totaling P125 million in just 11 days in December 2022.

The Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) reported that more than 60 percent of the individuals named as recipients of confidential funds in both offices had no records. She is the first vice president to be impeached in the House of Representatives. 

The Supreme Court (SC) recently ruled that the impeachment case against Duterte is unconstitutional on July 25. The SC en banc unanimously decided to declare the impeachment against Duterte unconstitutional due to “one-year rule” in the impeachment process, with votes of 13-0-2. This sparked condemnation from progressive groups, expressing their indignation in front of the Commission on Human Rights, a day after the SC decision.

Read: SC ruling makes accountability more difficult for ordinary citizens — progressives

The impeachment process is a vital mechanism for the people to hold the top government officials accountable, serving as the people’s remedy when all other means of oversight have been exhausted. 

  1. Victims of Duterte’s drug war and the continuing killings

Admittedly, the President proudly claimed his administration has “better” regard for peace and human rights. In fact, he said in verbatim: “Kaya naman, ang lipunan natin ngayon ay mas mapayapa. Mas mapangalaga rin sa karapatang-pantao, anuman ang edad, kasarian, kundisyon, o pangkat.”

In the same speech, the Filipino people heard him talking about the continuous hunt for drug dealers, both “big-time and small-time.” 

He failed to mention any reparation for the victims of Duterte’s “war on drugs.” He did not mention any intention of rejoining the International Criminal Court (ICC), which has been a major demand of national and international organizations, and even the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Opinion Irene Khan.

ICC arrested former president Rodrigo Duterte on March 11, for crimes against humanity committed between July 1, 2016 and March 16, 2016 or the period when the Philippines was still a member of the Rome Statute. More than 30,000 victims of the “drug war” had been killed under this administration, but he is being tried only for the crimes committed until March 16, 2016.

Under Marcos Jr. administration, drug-related killings continue. The Dahas project of University of the Philippines reported more than 1,000 victims as of this writing.

An OCTA research released in June reported that the majority of the Filipino people (57 percent) is in favor of rejoining the ICC.

  1. Unequal trade agreement with United States and military intervention

Not a single mention of the recent negotiation with the United States has been made. 

On July 22, Marcos Jr. made a visit to the White House to negotiate with the U.S. President Donald Trump about trade and military agreements. Shortly after, Trump revealed that the Philippine exports will now be taxed at 19 percent, one percent decrease from the previous 20 percent tariff deal, while the U.S. goods will enter the Philippines tariff-free. The U.S. President also confirmed vague promises of “military support” without providing substantive guarantees or institutional commitments.

U.S. military presence surged as Washington poured $66.5 million in 2022 to accelerate construction at five bases under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), followed by an additional $18 million in 2023 alongside its annual $82 million EDCA allocation. The Philippines also granted the U.S. access to four new military sites, while Subic Bay, despite not being an EDCA site, received U.S.-funded infrastructure upgrades due to its strategic location near the South China Sea.

Read: State of the nation? State of subservience, says groups

Ibon Foundation also concluded that the US is “[using] the Philippines as a pawn in its geopolitical strategy against China by increasing US militarism and positioning itself for potential conflict in the Indo-Pacific.”

“The Marcos Jr. administration in turn continues to enable the US and collaborate with the Trump administration in exchange for self-serving political and economic favors,” the group continued.

  1. West Philippine Sea and its demilitarization

Likewise, the President proudly claimed that the Philippines has gained much respect from the international community but he has made no clear stance on national sovereignty, particularly in the West Philippine Sea.

Just last April, China occupied Sandy Cay, a sandbar near Pag-asa Island that lies within the country’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ), which the progressive groups dubbed as a “blatant act of aggression” and warning against the Philippines becoming entangled in superpower rivalries.

Last month, a Chinese ship was seen navigating in the shallow waters of the west Philippine Sea. In recent years, there has been an increase in the confrontations of Chinese and Philippine coast guard military and navy ships in the disputed waters. 

In 2022, since the beginning of his administration, there has been an imposition from China to implement a fishing ban that extends to the disputed waters of the West Philippines Sea.

The United Nations Permanent Court of Arbitration ruled in favor of the Philippines in its case against China in maritime entitlements in the West Philippine Sea on July 12, 2016. In a unanimous decision by its five-member panel, the PCA ruled that China has no legal basis to claim historic rights to resources within the West Philippine (South China Sea), on the grounds of its “nine-dash line.” The tribunal said whatever historic rights China claims “were extinguished to the extent they were incompatible with the exclusive economic zones (EEZ) provided for” in the United Nations Convention on the Laws of the Seas (Unclos).

Read: Filipinos rejoice as Ph wins in maritime dispute vs China

  1. Election reforms

Both VoteReport PH and the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) reported that vote-buying remains “endemic” in the country’s electoral process. The EU EOM also urged the Commission on Elections (Comelec) to consolidate its fragmented legal framework, citing overlaps and inconsistencies between the 1987 Constitution and the 1985 Omnibus Election Code (OEC). “Nearly half of the provisions of the Omnibus Election Code have been superseded by the Constitution and subsequent laws, leaving electoral legislation scattered and unharmonized,” said Temido, a representative of the mission.

Observers also pushed for stricter enforcement of existing election laws, particularly those regulating political parties and curbing the dominance of political dynasties. Poll watchdog Kontra Daya earlier flagged that most of the incoming party-list groups do not represent marginalized sectors as intended by law, with 40 linked to political dynasties, big business interests, and the military or police. A Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) report revealed that 212 of 254 winning district representatives belong to political dynasties, with 174 having relatives occupying local government posts.

The EU EOM further expressed concern over “weaponized laws” that have been used to red-tag individuals and groups despite Comelec’s initiatives to address political harassment. It cited the Anti-Terrorism Act, the Revised Penal Code provisions on cybercrime, and the Terrorism Financing Act as among the measures undermining human rights and creating a hostile electoral environment.

  1. Continuing human rights violations

Marcos Jr. persistently boasted of a “better human rights situation.” 

Amnesty International gave Marcos Jr. a “failing grade” in his human rights report card, minutes after he finished his SONA speech. None has been mentioned for the protection of human rights defenders, press freedom, indigenous peoples rights, gender responsiveness, and labor and security.

The country has been urged, once again by a UN expert, to ratify the  International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and address the continuing practice of enforced disappearances. According to Karapatan, there are 15 victims of enforced disappearances and still remain missing under the Marcos Jr. government. The group also documented at least 30 survivors of abduction during the same period. 

“Whatever glittering words Ferdinand Marcos Jr. delivers in his third State of the Nation Address (SONA) will fail to enthrall,” said Cristina Palabay, secretary-general of Karapatan. “Casting a pall on his SONA is the calamitous effect his three-year rule has had on the people’s civil and political rights.”

In the report of international watchdog Civicus, at least 227 activists have been charged under anti-terror laws: Anti-Terrorism Law and Terrorism Financing Prevention and Suppression Act. The latter law has been used extensively in the past years against development workers in the government’s bid to exit the “grey list” of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). 

“Marcos Jr.’s militarist approach to eliminating dissent has engendered numerous violations of human rights and international humanitarian law and has only succeeded in fuelling unrest. It does nothing to address the real roots of the armed conflict and leaves no room for political settlement through peace talks,” Palabay added. (RVO)

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